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THE WORLD WAR 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

NEW YORK • BOSTON • CHICAGO • DALLAS 
ATLANTA • SAN FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN & CO., Limited 

LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA. Ltd. 

TORONTO 



THE WORLD WAR 



HOW IT LOOKS TO THE NATIONS INVOLVED 
AND WHAT IT MEANS TO US 



BY 

ELBERT FRANCIS BALDWIN 



Natt fork 

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

1914 

All rights reserved 






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Copyright, igi4 

By the MACMILLAN COMPANY 

Set up and electrotyped. Published December, 1914. 



DEC 10 1914 

^CI.A,388753 



TO 
M. B. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

PAGE 

I, Austria and Servia ^ 

II. Russia ^^ 

III. Germany: The Government iQ 

IV. Germany: The People 4° 

V. Germany: The Foreigners 5° 

VI. France 6° 

Vll. Luxemburg and Belgium 8o 

Vlll. Holland 93 

IX. England : The Army 102 

X. England: The Government 116 

XL England: The People i34 

Xll. The English and German Press 152 

XIII. Rumania and Italy 188 

XIV. Turkey 201 

XV. America 207 

XVI. After the War .' 218 

The War in Brief 237 

Dates Referred to in the Text 251 

President Wilson's Despatch to the German Emperor 256 

Index 259 



THE WORLD WAR 




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THE WORLD WAR 

I 

AUSTRIA AND SERVIA 

[Bad-Nauheim, 28th July, 1914] 

The Johannisberg is the easternmost foothill of 
the Taunus range. The Taunus forms a delightful 
highland for health-getting and an appropriate back- 
ground for such famous baths as Schlangenbad, 
Schwalbach, Wiesbaden, Homburg and Nauheim. 

As we were coming down from the Johannisberg 
this afternoon and reached the Kurpark, we noticed 
that a crowd had gathered around one of the little 
newspaper kiosks. Stepping nearer, I saw that a 
placard had been put out. The placard read: "Aus- 
tria declares war on Servia." 

The sun was setting. About us lay the serenity 
and repose of perhaps the loveliest little Kurpark 
in Europe. All nature — and, at that hour, all man- 
kind too — seemed at peace. Yet here was the alarum 
of war. 

A curious history has led to this pass. Just a 
month ago, namely on June 28th, the Archduke 

I 



2 THE WORLD WAR 

Francis Ferdinand and his wife were murdered. The 
tragedy occurred at Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. 
The event shocked the world as have few assassina- 
tions. 

The Prince — the nephew of the venerable Francis 
Joseph, Emperor of Austria-Hungary — was heir to 
the throne. His wife, though not of royal rank, had 
already been chivalrously treated as an equal both 
by the German Emperor and by the King of England. 
Some impetuous Hungarians even declared that, if 
Francis Ferdinand became King of Hungary, she must 
be their Queen. Even in the conservative Court of 
Vienna, where she was less liked, there were here and 
there a few furtive signs of breaking down the bars of 
rigid etiquette. Certainly, there was a realization 
there as elsewhere that much of Francis Ferdinand's 
greater popularity latterly could be ascribed to his 
clever wife. 

For he had not been a popular Prince. Some per- 
sons did not like his supposedly Jesuit leanings; others 
did not like presumable militarist prejudices; still 
others did not like his policy with regard to the Slavs 
in Austria-Hungary. And right here was the sticking 
point — the Slavs. 

Some time ago, with statesmanlike and creditable 
prevision, Francis Ferdinand pointed out to his com- 
patriots that the Dual Empire should be transformed 



AUSTRIA AND SERVIA 3 

into a Triple Empire. Why? Because there ought 
to be, he thought, official recognition of the fact that 
the Empire consists of Austrians, Hungarians and 
Slavs. There are immense numbers of Slavs in the 
Empire; for instance, the Bohemians, the Croatians, 
the Slavonians, the Serbs. As to the Serbs, their num- 
ber in Austria-Hungary was considerably augmented 
when, after a generation of efficient and epoch-making 
mihtary control, authorized by the Treaty of Berlin 
(1878), the Dual Empire annexed Bosnia and Herze- 
govina (1908). These provinces once belonged to 
Turkey but had been settled largely by Serbs. 

Now in no region of the world has there been greater 
progress in civiHzation since 1878 than in these very 
provinces. But, while inspiring Austro-Hungarian 
pride, the progress only excited Servian jealousy. 
If everyone admits the fact of this exemplary pro- 
gress, everyone must also admit that it was only 
natural for Servia to long to have all the Serbs under 
her control, whether they were Servians proper or 
whether they were Serbs in the wider sense — that is to 
say whether they lived under King Peter or whether 
they were under the Turkish Sultan, or under Francis 
Joseph. The Balkan war had liberated those under 
the Turk in Macedonia. Justly fired with this success 
Servia of course turned more than ever toward those 
in Bosnia and Herzegovina. For the Serbs in Mace- 



4 THE WORLD WAR 

donia there was a liberation, in the proportion of 
any Servian advance on Turkish civilization. But 
to exchange Austro-Hungarian for Servian civilization 
might be regarded as a decided step backwards; 
one has but to compare the relative hteracy of the 
two countries to appreciate this. 

This fact of course did not disturb the Servians. 
They went right ahead in their attempt to unite all 
the Serb race. Great patriotic societies were organ- 
ized, whose methods were murder when necessary. 
Francis Ferdinand and his wife fell as martyrs to this 
propaganda. The Serbs had finally struck at the 
very heart of the Dual Monarchy. 

Of course Austria immediately began an investiga- 
tion. The alleged facts, as brought to hght by it, 
showed that the murder had been plotted by Servian 
agents on Servian soil, that the arms and explosives 
with which the murderers were provided had been 
given to them by Servian officers and functionaries 
belonging to the Narodna Odbrana, the most impor- 
tant of the Slav societies, whose aim was the collapse 
of Austria-Hungary. These societies worked not only 
by argument in newspapers and pamphlets, but also 
by bomb and revolver. The evidence accumulated by 
Austria seemed serious enough. 

Long before the investigation was completed, the 
Servians knew that the facts, as ehcited, pointed to 



AUSTRIA AND SERVIA 5 

their criminal complicity and that they would be held 
responsible. There was thus the greater reason why 
the Servian Government should voluntarily have 
instituted an independent investigation. Not only 
had the Government omitted to do this; it had given 
little indication that any sympathy or help in the 
matter would come from it. This hardly accorded 
with the Government's friendly note to Austria in 
1909 following the Bosnian annexation. In deference 
to counsel from the great Powers, the note read thus: 

Servia undertakes to renounce henceforth the attitude of 
protest and of opposition which she has adopted with re- 
gard to the annexation ever since last autumn and she 
undertakes furthermore to change the course of her present 
policy regarding Austria-Hungary so as to live in future on 
good neighborly terms with the latter. 

Diplomatic deahngs having failed to rouse the 
Servian Government to a proper appreciation of its 
attitude regarding existing conditions, the Austro- 
Hungarian Government reminded Servia of the prom- 
ise of 1909, adding: 

The history of recent years and notably the painful 
events of June 28 have shown the existence in Servia of a 
subversive movement, whose aim is to detach from the 
Austro-Hungarian monarchy certain parts of its territories. 
This movement, which had its birth under the eye of the 
Servian Government, has manifested itself beyond the 



6 THE WORLD WAR 

Servian border by acts of terrorism, by a series of outrages 
and by murders. 

Far from carrying out its formal promises contained in 
its declaration of March 31st, 1909, the Royal Servian Gov- 
ernment has done nothing to suppress this movement. It 
has tolerated the criminal activity of various societies and 
associations directed against the Monarchy; it has per- 
mitted unrestrained language from the newspapers, the 
glorification of the perpetrators of outrages, the participa- 
tion of officers and functionaries in subversive agitation, 
an unwholesome propaganda in public instruction; in short 
it has allowed all possible manifestations which could in- 
duce the Servian people to hate our Monarchy and to have 
contempt for our institutions. 

This in general. As to the Sarajevo murder in 
particular, there followed the now famous ultimatum 
of July 23d from Austria. Its principal demancis 
were: 

That the Servian Government should condemn the 
propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary. 

That it should deplore the fatal consequences of the 
criminal activity above mentioned. 

That it should publicly issue an expression of regret that 
Servian officers and functionaries participated in the prop- 
aganda and thus compromised the good neighborly re- 
lations to which the Servian Government was pledged by 
its declaration of 1909. 

That it should proceed with the utmost rigor against per- 
sons who might be guilty of subversive activity. 

That it should suppress any publication which incites 
to hatred and contempt of the Austro-Hungarian Mon- 
archy. 



AUSTRIA AND SERVIA 7 

That it should immediately dissolve the society called 
"Narodna Odbrana," confiscate all its means of prop- 
aganda, and proceed in the same manner against other 
societies in Servia which engage in propaganda against the 
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. 

That it should eliminate without delay from public in- 
struction in Servia everything that serves or might serve 
to foment the propaganda against Austria-Hungary. 

That it should remove from its military service and from 
its administration in general all officers and functionaries 
guilty of propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian Mon- 
archy, the Austro-Hungarian Government reserving to 
itself the right of conununicating the names and deeds of 
such persons to the Servian Government. 

That it should accept the collaboration in Servia of 
representatives of the Austro-Hungarian Government in 
the suppression of the subversive movement directed 
against the territorial integrity of the Austro-Hungarian 
Monarchy. 

That it should take judicial proceedings against ac- 
cessories to the plot of June 28th who are on Servian 
soil. 

Perhaps never before had one State addressed to 
another independent State so drastic a note. Not 
only were the demands peremptory in themselves, but 
the language used seemed unnecessarily brusque. 
It looked as if Austria wanted to make war inevitable. 
The calmer, however, showed to the excited Servians 
that there was no use in reading into the text any 
meaning not necessarily contained therein; this being 
especially true of the clause which, more than any 



8 THE WORLD WAR 

Other, became the centre of discussion, namely the 
demand that the Servian Government should accept 
the collaboration of representatives of the Austro- 
Hungarian Government in the suppression of the sub- 
versive movement, the Servian press being inclined 
to read into the text an indication that these repre- 
sentatives should find their place also in judicial and 
administrative proceedings. 

A time limit of only two days had been given by 
Austria for Servia's reply; this was couched in the 
usual diplomatic language, namely that ''the Austro- 
Hungarian Government expects the reply of the Royal 
Government at the latest by six o'clock on Saturday 
evening, July 25th." 

The reply came. The Servian Government frankly 
condemned all propaganda which might be directed 
against Austria-Hungary, that is to say all tendencies 
which aimed at ultimately detaching any territories 
from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. In particular: 

It expressed its regret that certain Servian officers and 
officials should have taken part in the above mentioned 
propaganda, thus compromising the good neighborly re- 
lations to which the Servian Government had solemnly 
engaged itself by its declaration of 1909. 

It would consider it a duty formally to warn officers, 
officials, and the entire population of the kingdom that 
henceforth most rigorous steps will be taken against all 
persons guilty of such acts. 



AUSTRIA AND SERVIA 9 

It would introduce at the first regular session of the 
Skuptchina (the Servian Parliament) a provision into the 
press law providing for the most severe punishment of 
any provocation to hatred or contempt of the Austro- 
Hungarian Monarchy. 

It would, though possessing no proof that the Narodna 
Odbrana and other similar societies have up to the present 
committed any criminal act of this nature, comply with the 
demand that the Narodna Odbrana should be dissolved, 
as well as any other society which may be directing its 
efforts against Austria-Hungary. 

It would undertake to remove without delay from the 
public instruction in Servia everything that serves or could 
serve to foment propaganda against Austria-Hungary. 

It would in the same spirit remove from military service 
those persons whom judicial proceedings should prove to 
have been guilty of acts directed against the integrity of 
Austro-Hungarian territory. 

It had not clearly grasped the meaning or the scope of 
the demand that Servia shall accept the collaboration of 
Austrian representatives upon its territory, but it agreed 
to admit such collaboration in so far as it is responsive to 
the principles of international law and criminal procedure 
as well as to good neighborly relations. In this connec- 
tion the Servian Government would now begin its own 
investigations concerning any persons implicated in the 
murder in question, but, as regards the participation of 
Austro-Hungarian agents or authorities in this inquiry, 
the Servian Government could not accept such collabora- 
tion and arrangement, as it would be a violation of the 
constitution and of the law for criminal procedure. 

This was the crux of the whole matter, namely, 
whether Austrian agents might fulfil their functions 



lO THE WORLD WAR 

on Servian soil. Austria demanded that they should. 

Servia replied that they should not, but, with great 

credit to herself, added an expression of willingness 

to refer the question either to the decision of The 

Hague Court or to the great Powers. 

Those Powers at once advised Servia to make 

friends with her adversary quickly lest a worse thing 

happen. Chief among the Powers in this respect was 

England; the influential London ''Telegraph" under 

date of July 27th went so far as to say: 

In this country we have no sympathy whatever with 
Servia. We reprobate all the crimes which are associated 
with the Servian military party. On general grounds we 
are inclined to believe that Austria-Hungary is justified in 
demanding full and prompt repudiation of all those ne- 
farious schemes which have politics as their excuse and 
murder as their handmaid. 

So much for EngHsh public opinion. As for English 
Governmental opinion, Sir Edward Grey, British 
Foreign Secretary, has declared, as reported, that "the 
merits of the dispute between Austria and Servia are 
not the concern of his Majesty's Government" and, 
in particular, advised Servia that, if the participation 
of Servian officials, however subordinate they might 
be, were proved in the Sarajevo murder, Servia should 
give Austria the fullest satisfaction and certainly 
should express concern and regret. (Confirmed by 
British White Paper, Despatch 12.) 



AUSTRIA AND SERVIA II 

Considering Servia's reply disingenuous, Austria re- 
mained firm. The Servian press showed some signs 
of compliance, but, on learning that Russia was 
mobilizing became obdurate again. Austria recalled 
her Minister from Belgrade, the Servian capital, after 
the expiration of the time Hmit. Servia began to 
mobilize and removed the Government archives from 
Belgrade on the border to Nish, further south. She 
had ample reason, I believe, to fear a revolution, 
should she accept the Austrian demands in their en- 
tirety or fail to put up a warlike front. 

But was all this a sufficient reason for Austria to 
declare war? It almost looks as if she had made up 
her mind to crush Servia at all costs. 

Both in its application to Servia and in its far 
wider application to Europe such a declaration of 
war from a supposedly intelligent power to one less 
intelligent is simply stupid. 

In its application to Servia, it is perhaps no more 
incredible than have been other unfortunate acts of 
Austrian foreign policy, especially the treatment of 
Italy half a century ago. 

But in its appHcation to Europe the act is dreadful 
beyond words. For Austria has struck the match 
which may light the flame of a European conflagra- 
tion. 



n 

RUSSIA 

[Bad-Nauheim, jist July, 1914.] 

A WEEK ago a Russian general left Bad-Nauheim 
saying that he feared war might be coming to his 
country. People laughed. 

But the old Russian general was right and the 
people have stopped laughing. 

For the past three days, they have been saying: 
**What is Austria going to gain by war with Servia?" 
and ^'What is Servia going to gain by war with Aus- 
tria?" There has been little satisfactory answer to 
these queries. To-day they were superseded by an- 
other query: **Will Russia go to war?" The general 
conclusion seems to be that she will. For it has only 
just become known that the announced partial mob- 
ilization in Russia is really a general mobilization 
of all the Russian land and sea forces ! And how often 
has such a mighty mobilization taken place without 
war? 

Russia thus indicates that she expects to maintain 
her leadership of all the Slav States outside of Austria- 
Hungary in upholding the Servian cause by armed 

12 



RUSSIA 13 

forces. In this Russia is consistent. She has long pro- 
tected Montenegro, Servia, Bulgaria. Particularly, 
in 1908, she approved the union of all these States 
with Greece, of course under her own patronage, a 
union directed against Turkey. 

In 191 2 it had a great and deserved success. It 
expelled Turkey from most of her European posses- 
sions. This success, however, was largely due to the 
fact that Venizelos, the Greek Prime Minister, had 
succeeded the Russian Prime Minister as an organ- 
izing force. 

It was natural for Russia thereupon to prepare 
totally to subject weakened Turkey to Muscovite 
pressure and at last to realize the dream of Peter the 
Great. He wanted to capture Constantinople. Since 
then Russia has always wanted to capture Constan- 
tinople. And not only it, the vision was larger. What 
Russia really wanted to do was from Constantinople 
to rule the Balkans. 

Alas for Muscovite ambition! One Russian pro- 
tegee, Bulgaria, was already defying other protegees 
over the question of the division of Macedonia. Hence 
the second Balkan war (19 13). 

This was enough to cause a quick change of base 
on Russia's part. No longer could she call Balkan 
union into existence against Turkey. Why? Because 
Bulgaria had been defeated by Servia and Greece 



14 THE WORLD WAR 

and was seemingly on the point of turning even 
towards her ancient foe, Turkey, for alliance. Bul- 
garia would not join a union directed against Turkey. 
What then would unite the Balkan States? One 
thing would, so Russia believed — their fear of Austria. 

It was easy for Russia to bend her efforts in this 
direction. It was easy to urge Servia to cede to Bul- 
garia certain parts of Macedonia in exchange for 
Bosnia and Herzegovina, to be taken from Austria, 
thus delighting those Servian poHticians, who had long 
been trying to undermine the loyalty of these prov- 
inces. It was easy to indicate that Montenegro might 
add North Albania to her kingdom and Greece, South 
Albania, to hers. Finally, it was thought that Ru- 
manian adherence might be secured if there were a 
prospect of detaching those Austro-Hungarian prov- 
inces which have a large Rumanian population. . 

Now all this assumed, that at the first blow from 
the combined forces of Russia, Rumania, Bulgaria, 
Servia, Montenegro and Greece, the Dual Empire of 
Austria-Hungary would fall to pieces like a house of 
cards. 

Perhaps it will yet. We shall see. 

But whether or no, all patriotic Slavs long to show 
some outward expression of their sympathy with all 
branches of their race. 

For this reason, Russia has been mobilizing her 



RUSSIA 15 

armed forces on the Austrian border. Regarding the 
Servian dispute as a mere pretext for increasing .Aus- 
trian influence in the Balkan peninsula, Russia wants 
to show herself in earnest, in order to impress and, 
indeed, to overawe Austria — otherwise Austria, she 
thinks, might go to any lengths! 

Another reason for Russian military activity is the 
fear of losing valuable support against the ever threat- 
ening revolution at home. The Romanov dynasty 
itself might be in danger! 

If a mobilization along the south-west border, fac- 
ing Austria, cannot fully appease her people at home 
in Russia, then, as revealed to-day, Russia must have 
mobilization along her whole border, and that means 
mobilization against Germany as well as against 
Austria. 

But suppose even this general mobilization be in- 
sufficient. Then there must be war in order to satisfy 
the demand for Slav prestige in general and Russian 
in particular. 

And yet, so recently as July 25, the Russian Govern- 
ment declared that it had no aggressive intentions. 
(Confirmed by British White Paper, Despatch 17.) 

It was careful to add, however, that Austria's 
course was really directed, not so much against Servia 
as against Russia; that Austria sought to take Russia 
by surprise (see Russian Orange Book, 4, 7, 8, also 



l6 THE WORLD WAR 

British Blue Book, i6i); that Austria aimed to over- 
throw the present equihbrium in the Balkans and 
establish Austrian leadership there. 

On this Austria declared that she did not expect to 
seize Servian territory. (Confirmed by British White 
Paper, Despatch i8.) Yet even so Austria might 
turn Servia practically into a vassal State, say the 
Russians here, though no territory be actually seized. 

To-day there has openly come upon the stage the 
next actor in the drama — Germany. All along, of 
course, Germany has been a powerful force, probably 
the most powerful force, behind the scenes. But 
Germany does not, it would seem, come on the stage 
of her own accord. She is apparently compelled to 
appear by Russia's general mobihzation. As Austria's 
ally, Germany may be supposed to help Austria as 
against any Russian attack. Hence the Russian 
mobilization on the German as well as the Austrian 
frontier. According to all accounts, Germany has 
only just learned that the rumors of such mobiliza- 
tion are proven facts. Accordingly, indignant Ger- 
many is warning Russia to stop and to demobihze, 
adding that, if she does not, a general German mobih- 
zation must follow. (Confirmed by German White 
Book, Exhibit 24. Also by a letter dated July 31 from 
a German lady living near the Russian borders. She 
says : ''The whole frontier is full of Russian soldiers and 



RUSSIA 17 

we do not even mobilize! What is the Government 
doing to protect us?") 

Will Russia stop? Will she demobilize? The Rus- 
sians here say that she will on three conditions. First, 
if all the Powers do likewise. (Confirmed by the 
British White Paper, Despatch 126.) Second, if 
Austria stops invading Servia. Third, if Austria will 
submit those of her demands, which Servia has not 
accepted, to the Powers for discussion. (Confirmed 
by British White Paper, Despatch 120.) 

But Austria has already decHned these propositions. 

Meanwhile, how is the German Emperor getting on 
with his mediation at Vienna? The Russians here 
scoff at it, though their Tsar invited it. (German 
White Book, Exhibit 21.) They think that the 
Kaiser is really exerting no pressure for peace on his 
ally, that Herr von Tschirsky, the German Ambassa- 
dor in Vienna, remains openly anti-Russian (con- 
firmed by British White Paper, Despatch 95) and may 
be at the bottom of this latest imbroglio, and that, 
if it were not hatched in Berlin, at all events Germany 
is secretly upholding Austria's irreconcilable attitude. 

This may be true. It may be of a piece with Ger- 
many's successful course in 1909 in upholding the 
Austrian annexation of Bosnia as against the rest of 
the Powers. But most observers outside of Russia, 
I think, really believe that the German Emperor is 



1 8 THE WORLD WAR 

honestly trying to mediate in the interests of peace, 
even though loyally bound to defend his ally. (Con- 
firmed by German White Book, Exhibits 22, 23, 26 
and also William II.'s despatch of July 31.) His is a 
terrible responsibiHty for on his mediation the peace 
of Europe depends. 

Somehow, in any question between Russia and Ger- 
many, one is tempted to take the same attitude as 
in any question between Servia and Austria. There 
is a similarity in the relative literacy, intelligence and 
civiHzation. And yet, the nation which has the greater 
literacy, intelligence and civilization has the greater 
responsibility. 

Responsibility rests upon Russia but pre-eminently 
upon Germany. She should check the rising tide of 
war. What she does now or leaves undone will in- 
volve the fate of other nations as well as her own. 
For, if Russian intervention entails German, German 
will entail French, and French possibly British. That 
would mean a European conflagration. 

Something even worse than this might follow, for, 
when one considers the colonies depending on the 
European Powers, there might be a world-conflagra- 
tion. 

But if Russia precipitates it we may hope for two 
good results — the deliverance of Poland and Finland 
from her yoke. 



Ill 

GERMANY: THE GOVERNMENT 

[Munich, 2d August, 1914] 

This is the first day of the mobilization of the 
German Army. One would hardly realize it unless 
in visiting the railway station, now taken over by 
the Minister of War, who is in charge of all the train 
service. 

It is appropriate that there should be compara- 
tively few mihtary indications in Munich, far away 
as it is from East Prussia, the home of excess mili- 
tarism. For Bavaria, Wurtemberg and Saxony speak 
in gentler, humaner tones. And Munich, one of the 
most democratic communities in the world and enjoy- 
ing a peculiarly progressive municipal government, is 
pre-eminently a pacific city. 

But it knows how to express its opinion. In it 
are published those illustrated papers which have 
justly, fearlessly and pitilessly exploited the Zabern 
incident. If the military officers at the little Alsatian 
town of Zabern could brutally bully the civilians on 
the street and contemptuously set at naught civil 
law, what might not be expected elsewhere in Ger- 

19 



20 THE WORLD WAR 

many? The people hereabouts do not endorse such 
Junker arrogance. They beUeve that the soldiers 
should be the servants, not the masters of the nation. 
They indignantly disclaim any responsibility for 
military excesses and properly regard them as a 
menace on popular rights. 

The Reichstag at BerUn also promptly took up the 
fight for the civiHans. For months the struggle went 
on between the extreme military and the civic- 
commercial elements in German pubHc life. At first 
it looked as if the civiKans would surely win. In the 
end, however, incredible as it may seem, the mil- 
itarists won. It was a blot on civiHzation. 

Now this does not mean that the German Army 
won. The Army represents the German people and, 
like it, is not a force of offence but of defence, though 
most Germans, I fancy, beheve that, but for their 
Army's aggressions in 1864, 1866 and 1870, the Ger- 
man Empire would hardly have been created. The 
Army represents the highest type of organization, 
discipHne and readiness because, as history shows, the 
Germans must always be prepared to fight more than 
one adversary. The militarists who ultimately won 
in the Zabern issue represent a proportionately small 
number of army officers belonging to the Bernhardi 
school, that is to say, who disregard international 
ethics, certainly who have a chip on their shoulders 



GERMANY: THE GOVERNMENT 21 

and who are looking for trouble. If these extremists 
could not stir up some kind of trouble over the Russian 
or French borders they would not object, as the 
Zabern incident shows, ruthlessly to trample on the 
rights of their fellow-countrymen and prejudice the 
whole nation in the eyes of all foreigners. 

To these extremists, the murder of the Archduke 
Francis Ferdinand, and the Austrian ultimatum to 
Servia came like grist to a mill. These things came 
with special impact indeed, because the Austro- 
Hungarian attitude was not only that of the Govern- 
ment but emphatically that of the people. Both 
Austrians and Hungarians genuinely feared Servian 
intrigue and aggression. This popular feeling played 
right into the hands of the Austrian military ex- 
tremists, and, following them, the German. It was 
their great chance. 

According to all accounts, however, the extremists 
had against them no less a person than the German 
Emperor. Only last month some very jingo officers 
said openly at a country house: ''We want a war. 
But the Kaiser blocks the way. He is really our 
greatest foe." They found fault with him because he 
was not another Great Elector, another Frederick the 
Great, and because he would not emulate his own 
grandfather! They forgot that these times are not 
the times of the Great Elector or of Frederick the 



22 THE WORLD WAR 

Great or of William I., and that they demand a differ- 
ent attitude. 

But, as with apparent disregard for the right of a 
weaker nation to exist, Bismarck forced the pace in 
1864 in the Danish War, in 1866 in the Austrian and 
in 1870 in the French, so the Prussian jingoes pressed 
forward in 19 14, and finally had their way, monarch 
or no monarch. If the war party in Russia forced 
the present conflict on an unwilling Tsar, the war 
party in Germany apparently forced it on an unwilling 
Kaiser. The Kaiser's greatest pride is supposed to 
have been that for twenty-five years he has kept 
peace between Germany and her neighbors. Why 
should he break it now? Of course the Kaiser's is 
the ultimate sanction. But the real blame, so far as 
Germany is concerned, rests, I believe, with the little 
knot of militarists who have long wanted a scrap with 
Russia. The supposedly strong Kaiser was, ap- 
parently, after all, not strong enough to withstand 
them. 

The German war party made much of two facts. 
First, the Austrian alliance. After the Franco- 
German War and especially in the late seventies there 
grew up a feeling in this country that there should be 
greater union between Germany and Austria in the 
defence of common Teutonic interests in Europe. 
This union would be most readily clinched by an 



GERMANY: THE GOVERNMENT 23 

alliance. It was so clinched. Germany must now 
keep faith with her ally. Germany must, the military 
authorities urged, indicate that her own armed 
strength would be used, if necessary, to deter Russia 
either from a complete mobilization or from war. 
Austria's need of Germany is of course the greater 
since she must now use part of her own forces against 
Servia and hence has fewer to use against Russia. 

The second established fact upon which the military 
authorities laid weight was that the general mobihza- 
tion in Russia indicates that, if a Slav country were 
attacked by a Great Power, the only Slav Great 
Power would go to her assistance. The moral effect 
of Russia's mobilization among all Slavs, whether in 
the Balkans or in Austria-Hungary, must necessarily 
be tremendous. But there is also the material side. 
Servia can, she claims, put 400,000 seasoned soldiers 
into the field, men all aflame with successes won in 
the two Balkan Wars. Everyone knows that Russia's 
figures, on paper, are prodigious. But suppose them 
to be justified. The combined forces of Russia and 
Servia would be more than enough to overwhelm 
the forces of Austria-Hungary. A Slav success would 
at once prejudice the position of the Teutonic race 
in Europe; indeed, it might make it untenable! 

Hence, the larger issue — ^Teuton versus Slav. In the 
final analysis that means all the Teutons against all 



24 THE WORLD WAR ^ 

the Slavs. If so, then Germany must mobilize quickly 
and come to her ally's defence. 

Thus the ultimate cause of the present conflict is 
not the Sarajevo murder. That was full of sinister 
significance for Austria, it is true, but the real cause 
lies far deeper. It may be discovered in the profound 
differences which divide the Slav race from the Teu- 
tonic. 

That is the issue. What civilization is to be su- 
preme on this Continent, the Teutonic or the Slavic? 
On this issue will depend the future trend of European 
progress. 

During these days that question is being decided. 
The two principal antagonists are no longer Austria 
and Servia. By Germany's declaration yesterday of 
war upon Russia the chief antagonists are now Ger- 
many and Russia. 



During the past 43 years Germany has apparently 
shown over and over again that she did not want war 
for herself. Several times, indeed, it certainly looked 
otherwise. The "mailed fist" was in evidence. But 
when the clouds cleared away, the general purpose 
underlying the particular acts in question, was as- 
sumed by most to have been pacific, despite appear- 
ances to the contrary. 

If this has been true with regard to Germany in her 



GERMANY: THE GOVERNMENT 2$ 

own foreign relations it has, I think, been true with 
regard to a general desire on the part of the German 
people that the world shall be at peace. Yet an ulti- 
mately very violent break in unsettling peace, was 
made by the Congress of BerKn under the leadership 
of Bismarck and especially of Beaconsfield, when the 
latter went home to England with his much vaunted 
''peace with honor." Russia called it anything but 
that and will never forget how the Congress of Berlin 
tore up the Treaty of San Stefano (1877), which she 
had made with Turkey at the close of the Russo- 
Turkish War. The Congress substituted therefor the 
Treaty of Berlin (1878). 

Nor will Russia forget another cause of offence, 
namely, how in 1909, Europe, led by Germany, 
allowed Austria to annex Bosnia and Herzegovina, 
thus lessening Slav influence and Russian prestige 
in the Balkans, 

In 1878 Russia felt like fighting Germany, in 1909 
also and now in 19 14 she has begun the fight. 

As to Germany's rumored connection with the out- 
break of the Austro-Servian conflict, the German 
Foreign Office openly declared that it had not known 
beforehand, and had no more than other Powers to 
do with, the stiff terms of the Austrian ultimatum to 
Servia. (British White Paper, Despatch 25.) This, 
some say, is doubtless true as to the highest authorities 



26 THE WORLD WAR 

but, add these critics, it is hardly true of some of the 
German agents in Austria. 

Moreover, Germany declared that the conflict must 
be limited to Austria-Hungary and Servia. (German 
White Book, Exhibit 13.) As to such limitation, all 
the Powers except Russia were supposed to have 
taken the same view. Though Germany thought 
Russia would stand aside (British Blue Book, De- 
spatch 161), Russia, assuming that the German Em- 
peror, with his quarter-of-a-century peace record, 
would never declare war and, relying upon support 
from France and England, prepared to defend Servia. 
Accordingly, she repHed to Austria's partial mobiliza- 
tion by her own so-called partial mobilization, namely, 
a general mobilization in the districts on the Austrian 
frontier (confirmed by German White Book, Ex- 
hibit 24) and which indicated that she would not 
permit the conflict to be limited to Austria and Servia. 

When the news of this preparation reached Ger- 
many, the Government at Berlin warned St. Pe- 
tersburg that these measures against Austria would 
certainly find Germany on the Austrian side; further- 
more, that any consequent military preparations 
against Germany would oblige her to take counter 
measures. (German White Book, Exhibit 24.) 

Russia quickly assured Germany of her own desire 
for peace, adding that she was making no military 



GERMANY: THE GOVERNMENT 27 

preparations against her. (Confirmed by British 
White Paper, Despatch 120.) 

Both England and Germany were persistently try- 
ing to mediate between Vienna and St. Petersburg. 

On July 26th Sir Edward Grey telegraphed to 
Berlin, Paris and Rome, enquiring if the German, 
French and Italian Ambassadors in London might 
meet him in conference at once for the purpose of dis- 
covering an issue to prevent further complications 
and suggesting that active military operations in 
Servia, Austria and Russia should be suspended pend- 
ing the results of the conference. (Confirmed by 
British White Paper, Despatch 36.) While accept- 
ing in principle mediation by the four Powers 
and with an assurance that she was not failing to 
exercise a moderating influence at Vienna, Germany 
declined this particular form of conference because 
she did not want to place her ally before a European 
tribunal (confirmed by German White Book, Ex- 
hibit 12) and also because she felt that it would be 
ineffective, it having the appearance of an "Areop- 
agus," consisting of two Powers of each group sitting 
in judgment upon the two remaining Powers. Indeed, 
fearing Italy, she might have considered it three 
against one ! 

The German Emperor had become a mediator at 
the Tsar's direct and urgent appeal. 



28 THE WORLD WAR 

But, scarcely had the Kaiser's mediating action 
begun when, as we have seen, Russia mobilized 
her forces along the Austrian border. Austria had 
mobilized only eight army corps, not too great a num- 
ber, in the words of Sir Edward Grey, against the 
Servians. 

During this time Russia renewed her assurances 
that she was making no military preparations against 
Germany. But, according to German testimony, 
Russia was mobilizing her entire army and navy. 
While the Kaiser was mediating in Vienna in com- 
pliance with Russia's request, the Russian hosts, the 
Germans claim, rose along the German frontier. On 
July 31st, therefore, Germany demanded from Russia 
a cessation of every measure of war against herself or 
Austria as the only means to preserve the peace of 
Europe. The warning was added that, if the demand 
were not favorably answered within twelve hours, 
Germany herself would mobilize. 

And not only this. Six days before England had 
warned Russia not only that a German mobilization 
would follow the Russian, but that Germany would 
not be content with mere mobilization or give Russia 
time to complete hers, but would probably declare 
war at once. (British White Paper, Despatch 17.) 

The" telegraphic correspondence meanwhile be- 
tween the Kaiser and the Tsar is illuminating. The 



GERMANY: THE GOVERNMENT 29 

accent of sincerity marks both correspondents. On 
July 28th the Kaiser telegraphed: 

I have heard with the greatest anxiety of the impres- 
sion caused by Austria-Hungary's action against Servia. 
The unscrupulous agitation, which has been going on for 
years in Servia, has led to the revolting crime of which 
the Archduke Francis Ferdinand has become a victim. 
The spirit which made the Servians murder their own 
King and his consort still dominates that country. Doubt- 
less thou wilt agree with me that both of us, thou as well 
as I, and all other sovereigns, have a common interest 
to insist that all who are responsible for this horrible 
murder shall suffer their deserved punishment. 

On the other hand I by no means overlook the difficulty 
encountered by thee and thy government to stem the 
tide of pubUc opinion. In view of the cordial friendship 
which has bound us both for a long time with firm ties, 
I shall use my entire influence to induce Austria-Hungary 
to obtain a frank and satisfactory understanding with 
Russia. I hope confidently that thou wilt support me in 
my efforts to overcome all difficulties which may yet 
arise. (Confirmed by German White Book, Exhibit 20.) 

The Tsar telegraphed on July 29: 

I am glad thou art back in Germany. [The Kaiser had 
been in Norway.] In this serious moment I beg thee 
earnestly to help me. An ignominious war has been de- 
clared against a weak country and in Russia the indigna- 
tion, which I fully share, is tremendous. I fear that very 
soon I shall be unable to resist the pressure exercised upon 
me and that I shall be forced to take measures which will 
tend to war. To prevent such a calamity as a European 
war would be, I urge thee, in the name of our old friend- 



30 



THE WORLD WAR 



ship, to do all in thy power to restrain thy ally from going 
too far. (Confirmed by German White Book, Exhibit 21.) 

On the same date the Kaiser replied: 

I have received thy telegram and I share thy desire for 
the conservation of peace. However, as I told thee in my 
first telegram, I cannot consider Austria-Hungary's action 
as an "ignominious war." Austria-Hungary knows from 
experience that Servia's promises, as long as they are 
merely on paper, are wholly unrehable. 

In my opinion, Austria-Hungary's action is to be con- 
sidered as an attempt to receive full guaranty that Servia's 
promises are effectively translated into deeds. In this 
opinion I am strengthened by the Austrian cabinet's ex- 
planation that Austria-Hungary intended no territorial 
gain at Servia's expense. I am therefore of opinion that 
it is perfectly possible for Russia to remain a spectator in 
the Austro-Servian war without drawing Europe into the 
most terrible war it has ever seen. I believe that a direct 
understanding is possible and desirable between thy Gov- 
ernment and Vienna, an understanding which, as I have 
already telegraphed thee, my Government endeavors to 
aid with all possible effort. Naturally, military measures 
by Russia, which Austria-Hungary might construe as a 
menace, would accelerate a calamity which both of us 
wish to avoid and would undermine my position as media- 
tor which, upon thy appeal to my friendship and aid, I 
willingly accepted. (German White Book, Exhibit 22). 

At I A. M. July 30, the Kaiser added: 

My ambassador has instructions to direct thy Govern- 
ment's attention to the dangerous and serious conse- 
quences of a mobilization. I told thee the same in my 



GERMANY: THE GOVERNMENT 3 1 

latest telegram. Austria-Hungary has mobilized only 
against Servia and only a part of her army. If Russia — 
as seems to be the case according to thy advices and those 
of thy Government — mobilizes against Austria-Hungary, 
the role of mediator with which thou has entrusted me in 
such a friendly manner and which I accepted at thy ex- 
press desire, is threatened if not made impossible. The 
entire weight of decision now rests on thy shoulders. 
Thou hast to bear the responsibiUty for war or peace. 
(German White Book, Exhibit 23.) 

Twelve hours later on the 30th the Tsar wired the 
following: 

I thank thee from my heart for thy quick reply. I am 
sending Tatisheflf tonight with instructions. The military 
measures now taking place were decided upon five days 
ago and for the reason of defence against Austria's prepa- 
rations. I hope with all my heart that these measures will 
not influence in any manner thy position as mediator 
which I value very highly. We need thy strong pressure 
upon Austria so that an understanding can be reached 
with us. (German White Book, Exhibit 23 A.) 

On the 31st the Tsar added this dispatch: 

I thank thee from my heart for thy mediation, which 
leaves a gleam of hope that even now all may end peace- 
fully. It is technically impossible to discontinue our 
military operations, which are rendered necessary by 
Austria's mobihzation. We are far from wishing for war. 
So long a,s the negotiations with Austria regarding Servia 
continue, my troops will not undertake any provocative ac- 
tion. I give thee my solemn word upon it. I trust with all 
strength in God's grace, and hope for the success of thy 



32 THE WORLD WAR 

mediation at Vienna, for the welfare of our countries and 
the peace of Europe. (German White Book, p. 12.) 

To this the Kaiser replied: 

In answer to thy appeal to my friendship and thy prayer 
for my help I undertook mediatory action between the 
Austro-Hungarian Government and thine. While this ac- 
tion was in progress thy troops were mobilized against my 
ally Austria-Hungary, in consequence of which, as I have 
already informed thee, my mediation was rendered nearly 
illusory. Nevertheless I have continued it. Now, how- 
ever, I receive trustworthy news of thy serious prepara- 
tions for war, even on my Eastern frontier. The responsi- 
bility for the safety of my Empire compels me to take 
definite retaliatory measures. My efforts to maintain the 
peace of the world have now reached their utmost possible 
limit. It will not be I who am responsible for the calamity 
which threatens the whole civilized world. Even at this 
moment, it lies in thy power to avert it. Nobody threatens 
the honor and power of Russia, which could well have 
waited for the result of my mediation. The friendship 
which I inherited from my grandfather on his deathbed for 
thee and thy Empire has always been sacred to me. I 
have remained true to Russia whenever she has been in sore 
straits, especially during her latest war. The peace of 
Europe can still be maintained by thee if Russia decides to 
cease her military measures, which threaten Germany and 
Austria-Hungary. (German White Book, p. 13.) 

Two hours after the expiration of the twelve hour 
time limit the Tsar telegraphed thus: 

I have received thy telegram. I comprehend that thou 
art forced to mobilize but I should like to have from thee 



GERMANY: THE GOVERNMENT 33 

the same guaranty which I have given thee, namely that 
these measures do not mean war and that we shall con- 
tinue to negotiate for the welfare of our two countries and 
the universal peace which is so dear to our hearts. With 
God's aid it must be possible to our long tried friendship 
to prevent the shedding of blood. I expect with full con- 
fidence thy reply. (German White Book, p. 14.) 

The Kaiser answered: 

I thank thee for thy telegram. I showed yesterday to 
thy Government the way through which alone war may 
yet be averted. Though I asked for an answer by today 
noon, no telegram from my Ambassador has reached me 
with thy Government's reply. I therefore have been 
forced to mobilize my army. An immediate, clear and un- 
mistakable reply from thy Government is the sole way to 
avoid endless misery. Until I receive this reply I am un- 
able, to my grief, to enter upon the subject of thy tele- 
gram. I must ask, most earnestly, that thou, without 
delay, order thy troops to commit, under no circumstances, 
the slightest violation of our frontiers. (German White 
Book, p. 15.) 

Five hours after the expiration of the time limit 
given, namely at 5 P. M. August i, no reply having 
been received from the Russian Government, the 
German Kaiser ordered the mobilization of his entire 
army and navy. (German White Book, p. 15.) 

But already on the same afternoon Russian troops, 
the Germans claim, crossed the frontier and marched 
into German territory. (German White Book, p. 15.) 



j4 THE WORLD WAR 

Hence, close on the heels of the mobilization order, 
Germany declared war against Russia. 

Was Germany justified in that declaration? Yes, of 
course, says the German Government, pointing to 
Russian double-faced diplomacy as regards mobiliza- 
tion and the violation of German soil. 

It may be permitted, however, to the friends of 
the German nation to deprecate so sudden a declara- 
tion. 

This for two reasons. 

First, the declaration of war did not give any 
chance to German mobilization to exercise its moral 
effect. The Russians knew the staggering cost of 
such a mobilization. They also knew that Germany 
would never mobilize until the last minute. Indeed, 
they may have doubted whether Germany would 
mobilize at all! If so, to-day's transportation of 
troops (an instantaneous and orderly exhibition of 
German armed strength, ever prepared for possible 
war) must impress them as much as would an actual 
battle. For, with characteristically thorough previ- 
sion, the miUtary trains have left the Munich railway 
station to-day on the exact minute fixed years ago 
by the General Staff for their departure. 

To be ever ready, however, does not necessarily 
mean that one seeks trouble any more than the ever 
ready policeman, standing at the street corner, seeks 



GERMANY: THE GOVERNMENT 35 

it. But it may be forced upon him. He may even 
have to show his billy in order to overawe the offender. 
If that suffices, he should not strike, even if the 
offender may have trodden on official toes! 

That is Germany's position. Day before yesterday 
she declared that she might mobilize, yesterday she 
declared that she would and to-day is only the first 
day of actual mobilization. Meanwhile, yesterday 
she declared war! What chance then has the moral 
effect of mobilization? 

Replying to our criticism of a too sudden offensive, 
our German friends admitted that the Kaiser sur- 
prised them also by his quick declaration but, as they 
were careful to add, the real initiative was Russia's, 
in secretly mobilizing her whole force, by crossing the 
German border and by committing deeds of war. The 
Germans justify their Government's action by saying 
that she struck abruptly lest a worse thing befall from 
Russia and that the blow, to be effective, must be 
quick. 

This is mihtary strategy, of course, and Germany 
is at the head of the world in that strategy. But it 
disregards the moral equation. 

In the second place delay might have saved what 
now may become a European conflagration. For, with 
the irony of fate, Austria has at last conceded the 
point which she has hitherto stubbornly refused to 



36 THE WORLD WAR 

concede! Last week she *' banged the door'' on 
compromise, as the saying goes. To-day, if reports 
be true, she consents to submit to mediation those 
points in her ultimatum to Servia, which had seemed 
to Servians incompatible with their independence. 
(British White Paper, Despatch 135.) Nor is this all. 
Russia accepts the proposal on condition that Servia 
be not actually invaded. (British White Paper, 
Despatch 139.) 

Now, in explanation of this contrary course by 
Austria, it may be said that perhaps she went ahead 
blindly, expecting to repeat her stroke of 1909 when, 
with Germany behind her, she defied all Europe and 
especially Russia by annexing Bosnia. The Austrians 
may have reasoned from this that Russia would again 
stand aside. When, however, they perceived that she 
would not, they made belated offers of concessions. 
If they had been made in the first place they might 
have saved the peace of Europe. 

But a cynic says: '^No, all this conciliation is timed 
so as to be too late ! For Austria's whole role has been 
conceived in Berlin and dictated from Berlin." 

Another observer protests that the attempts at con- 
cihation were sincere. Only they happened to be ig- 
nored by Germany in the final rush of events ! 

A third observer concludes: "if any State could be 
presumed to know about another, one might predicate 



GERMANY: THE GOVERNMENT 37 

ihat of Germany concerning Austria. And yet, see 
what a wrong conclusion it reached when a sudden 
State policy by Germany was based on a supposed 
knowledge of the continuing policy of the other State, 
Austria!" 

In any case, the German Government's respon- 
sibility is heavy enough. It rejected Sir Edward 
Grey's offer to hold an immediate Four-Power con- 
ference. By its sudden declaration of war it has now 
doubtless defeated the final negotiation between 
Austria and Russia. 

No matter how we foreigners feel, the German 
Government enjoys popular support for three rea- 
sons: 

(i) In any event the Germans always show a con- 
fiding trust in their Kaiser and his councillors. But 
in the present crisis, even the Social Democrats — men 
who remained in their seats or actually left the Reich- 
stag rather than cheer the ruler, are now enthusiastic- 
ally lining up under his command. Indeed, "to the 
last man," as one of the Socialist papers puts it, they, 
as well as other Germans, are entirely convinced that 
they are fighting the fight of Teutonic civilization 
against Slavic barbarism. When the Slavic wave 
overlaps the German frontier as it did yesterday war, 
they say, must follow. For they fear that a Slav ad- 
vance westwards v/ould be in such overwhelming num- 



^8 THE WORLD WAR 

bers as actually to wipe out the German speech itself 
in the lands through which they spread. 

(2) As a great and growing power Germany must 
expand somewhere. She must get her ''place in the 
sun." This means a colonial Empire, enabling her to 
plant her surplus population under the German flag, 
but especially giving to her an enlarged outlet for her 
manufactures and oversea trade. That is all taking 
care of itself, especially in Asia Minor. No man with 
whom I spoke allowed that this legitimate expansion 
had anything to do with the present war, which they 
insistently declared to be a war of self- protection only. 

Some foreigners assume that the German people 
have been taught to think only of such a war, to talk 
of it, to dream of it, and to prepare for it to the exclu- 
sion of all other subjects, until the whole nation is 
now possessed by the demon of conquest. I have 
heard well authenticated statements of the thirst 
for conquest of the small neighboring lands by the 
so-called Pan-Germans but no German here in Bavaria 
with whom I have talked — and I have talked with 
many — has seemed a militarist or even hinted that 
Germany wants to wage an offensive war, a war of 
conquest, or that she wants more land from her 
neighbors. When I queried: ''Would you like a slice 
of Russia, the ports of Libau, Riga and their provinces 
for instance?" they said, "We have all the Baltic 



GERMANY: THE GOVERNMENT 39 

ports we need. Even if they do speak German in 
Libau and Riga, the back country is not Ger- 
man." 

(3) Finally here, as in every nation, the Govern- 
ment is enjoying plenty of the patriotism of the My- 
Country-right-or-wrong-but-my-Country sort. But 
there is also something apart from nationalism, a 
longing for liberty — for yet greater liberty at home 
and for a deliverance of the two peoples whom Russia 
has oppressed on her western border. "We ought to 
do more than merely thrust Russia back where she 
belongs," a German acquaintance said to me. *'We 
ought to force Russia to make Poland independent — 
indeed, in my opinion all Poland ought to be inde- 
pendent. And, if Poland, why not Finland? Think 
of her betrayal! This ought to be not only a war of 
defence but, like our war a century ago against France, 
a Befreiungskrieg — a freeing war!'* 



IV 

GERMANY: THE PEOPLE 

[Partenkirchen, 2jd August, igi4.] 

All about Partenkirchen there reigns a Sabbath 
stilhiess. From the Zugspitze — the highest mountain 
in Germany — down to the valley where the Partnach 
goes tumbling along, there is nothing to suggest aught 
but serenity. The air is charged with the odors from 
field flowers, from new-cut clover and hay, from fresh- 
cut wood piled along the path, finally from the beeches 
and firs of the forest. One would Kke to stay a long, 
long time in such a place. 

And, down the valley from Partenkirchen, through- 
out this blessed Bavarian high country the red- tiled 
hamlets nestle in the rich fields and against the dark 
woods. The whole land spells repose to body and 
spirit. 

Go into some of those little towns hereabouts. You 
see old men and women and children there. Where 
are the young men? Gone. The peasant of yester- 
day, the tiller of the soil, the woodsman in the forest, 
is the soldier of to-day. 

He was not dragooned to the colors; he went wiU- 
40 



GERMANY: THE PEOPLE 41 

ingly. He went gladly. He went with a look of re- 
solve lighting his face — aye and Hghting this land. For 
his was the high resolve to do or die for his country. 
And not only the out-door man. With the same spirit 
have the workmen laid down their tools; the students 
their books. 

The EngHsh and French who will oppose the Ger- 
mans on the battle-field will have their high resolves 
too. Who shall say who has the right in the matter? 
The only thing to remember just now in Germany is 
that the spirit of outrageous excess of miHtarism, re- 
cently shown at Zabern, seems no longer characteristic 
of anyone — as it was then characteristic only of a 
minority. Instead, on the part of the active soldier 
or the reservist or the volunteer or the citizen left 
behind, there is only the spirit of absolute, enthusias- 
tic, everlasting devotion to ^'Das Vaterland." 

Some of the men from the Httle towns have gone 
to the front; others have been detailed in the reserve 
ranks. The reservists of the second line have latterly 
been arriving in Munich. They came with bags and 
satchels and bundles of clothes in their hands and 
dressed in all kinds of queer-looking, vari-colored, 
travel-stained and dusty apparel. Rather clumsily 
they lumbered along through the streets at first, and 
then with an increasingly springy step, as they were 
cheered on every hand. Most of the faces were con- 



42 THE WORLD WAR 

fident; occasionally, however, one noted the frightened 
countenance of some boy who perhaps already saw 
Death beckoning horribly and certainly. 

A day or two later they reappeared, now in uniform 
and in ranks. A drill-master was trying to make them 
march smartly. Already they were marching with a 
steadier, sturdier swing. Their feet beat time over 
the resounding pavement. 

And then the singing! Every day in Munich I 
looked under the red geraniums in the balcony window- 
box out through the iron grating into the court and 
through the wide passage leading from it to the street 
and saw the blue coats passing by. There was color 
for you! There was movement! And there was 
sound, too; for, as they march, the soldiers sing in 
their glorious baritone as were it one great voice, 
''Heimath," ''Die Wacht am Rhein" and ''Deutsch- 
land, Deutschland, tiber Alles." It is not generally 
known among us foreigners, I think, that the soldiers 
are also regularly drilled in singing. Music helps the 
march. The march becomes less clumsy. 

And then the women ! Every day, wives, mothers, 
sisters, sweethearts festoon the soldiers' guns with 
flowers. The women themselves move along the side- 
walks, keeping step with their menfolk in the streets, 
while sympathetic faces, stamped with emotion, ap- 
pear at every window and handkerchiefs and flags are 



GERMANY: THE PEOPLE 43 

waved by eager hands. The women go to the railway 
station because they want to make the parting easier. 
They try to make it appear like an everyday parting. 
A mother cries to her boy: "Keep your feet warm/* 
and the boy cries back: ''Be careful not to be run over 
as you go home." Yet the hearts of both are heavy 
with foreboding while they actually smile bravely 
each to the other. It is the stranger within their 
gates who is in danger of sobbing. 

The cook in our pension has given every one of her 
eight sons to the war and is proud of it. She only 
wishes she had more to give. At the same time those 
sons are her very life, and she says: ''Something is 
wrong somewhere. It took the pains of life and death 
to bring each of those boys into the world. Did God 
intend them to be only KanonenfuUer — food for can- 
non? Achnein!" 

Yesterday a note came from a mother and daughter 
with whom we had an engagement to-day. The note 
read as follows: "We have just learned that our 
precious Hans has passed away on the field of honor. 
We are proud in the midst of our pain! They say 
that he was instantly killed. We are glad to think 
that he suffered Uttle. As you will see, it is better 
that we should not meet our engagement to-morrow." 
No complaint. And yet those devoted women had 
lost their all. 



44 THE WORLD WAR 

Not only are soldiers continually marching through 
the streets of Munich. Little boys are playing at 
soldiering. They march up and down with laths for 
guns, with bits of string tied tightly around their 
waists to hold their tin swords in place and with their 
caps cocked as nearly as may be to look like helmets. 

With the young men at the front, the old gather 
nightly in one another's houses or in the cafes and 
compare the events of 19 14 with what they saw in 
1870. Especially is the talk to the point when the 
events of to-day occur at places made historic in the 
former war, or in former wars. Take Longwy for in- 
stance. The Germans have captured the place four 
times : twice in the days of the first Napoleon, once in 
1870, and now again. 

Meanwhile, the streets of Munich look like one 
great bouquet. From poles on the tops of the build- 
ings the Bavarian or the Imperial flag is waving. From 
the cornices other poles jut out and from them depend 
streamers reaching from the roof to the top of the first 
story. These streamers generally bear the Bavarian 
colors, blue and white. Think of a city of six hundred 
thousand people one mass of blue and white! One 
does not tire of the combination. Every day only 
makes it seem more beautiful. As with the flags, so 
with the streamers. The Imperial black- white-and- 
red is everywhere intermingled with the blue and 



GERMANY: THE PEOPLE 45 

white, while now and then come the municipal colors, 
orange and black. Munich waited until she heard of 
the first great German victory before decorating her- 
self. But when the news came — to every Bavarian 
doubly important because their Crown Prince won — 
the city burst in a trice into all this lavish color. 

It is in curious contrast with the people. One fan- 
cies the Bavarians as the most emotional of all the 
German peoples as they are the most ''live-and-let- 
live" sort. But the war has brought out an underly- 
ing quahty, self-restraint. Look at the crowds reading 
the posters in the streets. The posters frankly an- 
nounce that the Russians are over-running East 
Prussia twenty miles this side of the border, but they 
also announce German and Austrian successes further 
south and German victories on the French frontier; as 
a whole, therefore, the poster gives opportunity for 
yells and jodels. One might reasonably expect some 
jubilation. But there is comparatively Httle shouting. 
Your Bavarian reads the news once and then, because 
it is so important, once more. He reads it slowly. 
When he has taken it all in he looks proud, but he 
looks intensely serious. For, appreciating all the in- 
formation just received and feehng patriotic pride in 
it, he has yet always before him the vision of the fu- 
ture. A man turned towards me the other day after 
reading one of the posters announcing a new triumph. 



46 THE WORLD WAR 

He did not say ''Hurrah" or *'Hoch die Armee," but 
simply '' Wir werden schwere Kampfe haben — we have 
hard fighting ahead of us." 

And this is what the Prussian sometimes calls ''der 
dumme Bayer " — the stupid Bavarian ! The Bavarian 
may not be as clever as the Prussian, but he is kinder. 
Certainly he is quick and intelligent enough to realize 
that, when Germany is attacked on most sides, there is 
slim chance of the return home of many of those at 
the front, no matter how encouraging the early vic- 
tories. 

If enthusiasm for the Fatherland characterizes the 
reservists and the volunteers whom we now see, how 
true it was of the regulars whom we saw go to the front 
three weeks ago. Some of them have now arrived 
again in Munich, wounded and carried through the 
streets by ambulances and tram-trains fitted out with 
beds. There are already hundreds of wounded in the 
hospitals. But the men have not come back for good, 
they say. Ask them about it and you will hear on 
every hand an expression of longing to return to the 
front. "Ach, ich mochte wieder dort sein" you hear. 
The atmosphere is full of the contagious spirit of de- 
fence. 

Defence, not offence. Say what you will as to the 
hidden causes of this increasingly ghastly war, all men 
must acknowledge that the Germans with their con- 



GERMANY: THE PEOPLE 47 

fident strength and inflexible will are united and 
persistent in it. No matter how sharply we and they 
may differ as to the rights and wrongs involved, no one 
can see such sights as these without being convinced 
that, in the opinion of the German people, the fight is 
one wholly to defend their existence. ''Das Vater- 
land" has entered into their inmost fibre. They are, 
therefore, protecting their most sacred possession. 
Their aim will be realized only when they become con- 
vinced that their whole country is verily "ein' feste 
Burg.'^ To this end — defence — their purpose is 
adamantine. 

This idea of defence, not offence, is everywhere 
present. It may be, as has been alleged, that certain 
secret and unworthy ambitions and aggressions are 
at the bottom of the war. Of them, however, there is 
no indication in this part of Germany at least. Only 
yesterday a Bavarian said to me: "It cuts us to the 
quick to have to fight France and England, simply be- 
cause they are bound to Russia. Our quarrel is not 
in the least with them, but entirely with Russia. Had 
we the Russians alone to deal with we could have 
whipped them in a week and sent them about their 
business." 

German patriotism stands at a high level. There 
is no need to stimulate it. Indeed there is rarely any 
need to use those devices which we use at home in our 



48 THE WORLD WAR 

political party campaigns — the mass meetings, the 
flag wavings, the torchhght processions. The German 
may not be emotionally patriotic in the same way 
that we are. But his emotion Kes quite as deep as 
ours and is always at hand for steady use. The 
German's love of country is a religion. He may not 
show his respect for the Church in the same way that 
we do. But the country of Luther is the country of 
an abiding faith both in the Fatherland and in the 
living God. 

Usually a Munich Sunday is officially begun by a 
chorale played by an orchestra from one of the church 
towers. Last Sunday, however, for the benefit of the 
whole city, the Oberbiirgermeister directed the band 
to play from the Rathaus tower such patriotic and 
religious hymns as these: 

Dankgebet. 

Die Wacht am Rhein. 

Deutschland, Deutschland iiber alles. 

Die Konigshymne. 

Nun danket alle Gott. 

Grossel: Gott wir loben Dich. 

A vast crowd collected before the Rathaus in the 
Marienplatz. During the singing every man uncov- 
ered. After each hymn there were three Hochs. The 
whole affair typified the simple, lofty spirit, the soul 



GERMANY: THE PEOPLE 49 

of the nation, uniting Germans in unflinching 
strength. 

Such a nation's leaders may lead nobly or ignobly. 
The main thing to remember is that the people, the 
nation, constitutes the ultimate power. 



GERMANY: THE FOREIGNERS 

[Munich, 26th August, 191 4] 

The war is now over three weeks old. Its history- 
has not only been remarkable with regard to the 
progress of German arms; it has been more remark- 
able because one after another Power has declared 
war upon Germany. This, instead of dampening 
German ardor, has stimulated it to a high pitch, 
although your average German preserves his equable 
manner. Indeed, further declarations of war would 
probably be received with something like equanimity. 
There is almost a sense of humor in the situation, 
as was shown the other day in the building of the 
General Staff at Berlin, where there is a large board 
on which notices are placed. Taking advantage of a 
momentary dearth of such notices, an official, moved 
by many declarations of war, wrote the following: 
**Hier werden weitere Kriegs-Erklarungen angenom- 
men." (Further declarations of war received here.) 

During the first week of the war Germany seemed 
suddenly to awaken to the realization of a fact which 
she had not before appreciated, namely that she has 

so 



GERMANY: THE FOREIGNERS 5 1 

been honeycombed with Slav spies, especially Russian 
spies. It is of course easy to see that, especially 
among the throngs of Slav cure-guests at the various 
German baths, there might be spies, even of royal 
blood. But it seems a pity for instance so to regard 
the quiet, dignified man who sat next me at table in 
our hotel at Bad-Nauheim. He is a cousin of the King 
of Servia and yet, as such, he may very well, for aught 
I know, be a prize spy! 

But the Germans have latterly taken an even greater 
interest in English-speaking than in Slavic-speaking 
foreigners. We have been interested in the various 
reports published in American and English news- 
papers, in which mistaken notions concerning the 
treatment of English speaking travellers and residents 
in Germany seem to prevail. 

It might be expected that the English would receive 
rougher treatment than the Americans. Probably 
they did. I know of one English lady arriving at 
Partenkirchen who had difficulty in persuading any 
hotel to receive her. But I have heard of no really 
rough treatment except some noise made by a lot of 
young fellows in front of the British Consulate here, 
when the news came that England had declared war 
on Germany, the report of the throwing of stones and 
the breaking of glass at the English Embassy in Ber- 
lin and the rumors of individual cases of revolting 



52 THE WORLD WAR 

and incredible treatment of the English at the fron- 
tiers. 

As to the general treatment; however, three public 
testimonials are of interest as indicating one kind of 
English sentiment on this subject. 

The first is published by the Frankfurter Zeitung 
and is from the English colony in Frankfort. We 
read: 

As we are about to leave Germany we beg, through your 
newspaper, to express our sincerest thanks to the railway, 
military, and police officials for the great politeness and 
prevision with which they have provided for our journey. 
Especially in Niederlahnstein, where we had to spend long 
weary hours, and here in Cologne, we have been treated by 
all the officials and by the people with the greatest cour- 
tesy. In expressing our heartfelt thanks we wish to assure 
all Germans that, on our part, we shall do our utmost for 
any Germans with whom we may be brought in contact in 
England. 

The second testimonial is from the English chaplains 
at Baden Baden and Freiburg. It reads as follows: 

At the outbreak of the war British subjects in out-of- 
the-way places were given safe conduct to suitable centres, 
such as Baden Baden, and there allowed to choose places of 
abode according to their tastes and means. Such restric- 
tions as are put upon their movements are in their own 
interests. The Authorities have exhorted the inhabitants 
publicly, as well as by house to house visitations, to treat 
foreigners with respect and courtesy, taking pride in thus 
proving their claim to a truly high standard of civilization, 



GERMANY: THE FOREIGNERS 53 

and the people have responded nobly to this appeal. Not 
only have the hotel and pension keepers done everything in 
their power to accommodate their visitors at the most re- 
duced prices, giving credit in many instances, but several 
cases have come to our notice in which Germans have 
housed and fed EngUsh women and children v/ho were 
perfect strangers to them out of pure humanity and good 
feeling. 

The third testimony is from the English chaplain 
in Berlin. He says: 

At the outbreak of war it was of course the duty of the 
German police to protect their country against suspicious 
strangers on German soil. To this end, all strangers, in- 
cluding British subjects temporarily or permanently resid- 
ing in Berlin, had to be brought under poHce supervision. 
In our opinion, the police magistrates of Germany, in 
carrying out this task, tried to perform their duty, not only 
with thoroughness, but also, at the same tune, without 
detracting from the traditions of justice and courtesy 
worthy of a great modern state. 

We desire further to affirm that the general attitude of 
the populace, especially the middle and cultivated classes, 
towards the British subjects here has differed very Httle 
in friendliness and politeness from their attitude in time of 
peace; in short, in this crisis, German laws, justice, and 
courtesy have shown themselves worthy of the nation. 

Finally, as showing the spirit animating the Bava- 
rian officials, I may mention a case of a young English 
girl, left alone here after her compatriots had gone 
away on special Government trains. The Govern- 
ment was now about to provide other special trains, 



54 THE WORLD WAR 

this time for the large American colony in Munich. 
The trains were through trains, with sleeping coaches 
and dining cars, from Munich to points in Holland. 
Places could only be had by those who had registered 
at the American Consulate and who had made good 
their allegations of American citizenship. The Eng- 
lish girl was most anxious to get to Holland and from 
that neutral country to England. But how? No 
more English people could be provided with trans- 
portation. So she came to the American Transporta- 
tion Committee and offered to take service with some 
American family as governess, paying for all her 
expenses, if only the American family would take her 
along and pass her off as an American citizen. The 
case was pathetic. The plan seemed plausible. 

Fortunately the presiding genius of our Committee 
had tested the best German official fibre. So he said 
to the girl: *' Do nothing of the kind. Go to the proper 
official at the Hauptbahnhof. Show him your British 
passport. Tell him that you are a British subject 
and are proud of it. Tell him that you have plenty 
of American as well as British friends and that we 
want you to go on our train. We will accompany 
you, if you wish. The official knows us. He likes us 
and we like him. Now let's see what will happen." 

The frightened girl did as she was told. She went 
on our train. 



GERMANY: THE FOREIGNERS 55 

It is said that the Munich colony fared better than 
any other American. One of the chief points in the 
treatment was the Bavarian Government's act in 
putting three through trains a week from Munich to 
points in Holland. It was by no means a commercial 
venture. These trains, proceeding north with a full 
complement of American passengers, have to return 
empty. The Government's enterprise costs it much 
more than any financial return from us, although some 
twelve hundred Americans have already been trans- 
ported in this way. The act is thus one of genuine 
international courtesy and kindness. 

There is another thing to say about these trains 
and that is that they have left the station at Munich 
exactly on time and with a grateful lack of excite- 
ment and hurry. Some of the passengers have been 
railway men, famihar with all the operations of trains, 
men who could fully appreciate the great detail in- 
volved in arranging the operation even of a single 
train. They observed the systematic railway man- 
agement of the Bavarian Government with admira- 
tion. This admiration was doubled as they con- 
sidered that this particular management was in 
evidence at a time when one might easily imagine 
the railway stations and the railway service in a 
topsy-turvy condition. But a remarkable organi- 
zation characterises everything connected with the 



56 THE WORLD WAR 

Bavarian or any other of the German Govern- 
ments. 

When England declared war, the Munich author- 
ities advised that the use of the English language be 
avoided as far as possible on the streets. Yet beyond 
one or two arrests of suspicious characters, no one 
suffered much inconvenience, so far as I know. 
Young American and EngHsh girls were able to go 
about the streets alone and even in the dense throng 
in the Marienplatz, when the news of the great battle 
near Dieuze arrived, English-speaking persons were 
undisturbed. 

This condition indeed quickly gave place to a dis- 
tinction between the English and the Americans 
though I have heard of one instance where even an 
American passport did not suffice to save a former 
American Minister from inexcusable delay and incon- 
venience at the frontier, and of another instance where 
well known Americans were persistently regarded as 
spies and outrageously searched. 

Such cruelties are in marked contrast to the treat- 
ment of Americans here. The other day one of 
our countrywomen entered a shop where just once 
before she had bought a large bill of goods. She 
was personally unknown to the proprietor but 
when she returned he remembered her face and 
inquired: 



GERMANY: THE FOREIGNERS 57 

"Are you not the lady who bought so-and-so and 
so-and-so recently?" 

"Yes." 

"Well, we have heard that you Americans are hav- 
ing difficulty in getting enough money from the banks. 
Will you not permit us, therefore, to return to you 
the cash you paid us? We shall be glad to accept your 
cheque instead." 

And this is no isolated case. Many hotel and pen- 
sion keepers spontaneously made the same proposal 
to their guests. 

An American flag in the buttonhole was a welcome 
sight to the citizens of Munich and an open sesame 
not only to conversation but also to an entire liberty 
of criticism on the part of the foreigner. The German 
would begin: "We have always been friends, haven't 
we? Do not let our occupation of Luxemburg and 
Belgium make any difference. We did not want 
to do it. But the Government says it had to 
do it." 

Indeed, the Government's violation of neutrality 
pledges does not necessarily mean a unanimous ap- 
proval by the people. This was disclosed as follows: 
We foreigners protested against the violation, enquir- 
ing, "What is international law for if not for use in 
time of temptation? But even the excuse of sudden 
temptation fails if years ago, your General Staff de- 



58 THE WORLD WAR 

cided to invade those countries with or without per- 
mission. Our Government, we hope, has protested." 
The Germans acquiesced. They said: ''We do not 
defend the act as ethically right for we know that it 
was ethically wrong. But our necessity knows no 
law, the Government thinks. Our necessity! — do 
you understand that it is now a life-and-death struggle 
for us? We want to Uve and not die. But we hope 
that the Government will never have to act that way 
again." 

We hope so too. Yet, if critics suppose that Ger- 
many thinks it not ethically wrong to break her word, 
they might well make a distinction as to whether this 
is the opinion of the miHtary extremists, at present 
in the saddle, or whether it is the opinion of all the 
people. 

At the same time the violation of the neutrality of 
Luxemburg and Belgium, as our German friends ad- 
mit, does not make the war look like a Befreiungskrieg 
on the western border, though they hope it may ulti- 
mately be such on the eastern. 

The popular confidence in the Gk)vernment's su- 
perior wisdom if not superior morality is, however, 
entirely subsidiary and subservient to the German's 
basic, passionate devotion to his Fatherland, no matter 
what the Government of the day may do. 

We foreigners too may well be loyal to that Father- 



GERMANY: THE FOREIGNERS 59 

land. It constitutes the background of our friendli- 
ness for this people. It means first of all the Protes- 
tant Reformation but it also means the inspiration to 
research which thousands of American students have 
imbibed in German Universities, the moulding of our 
thought by German philosophy, the shaping of our 
American systems by German pedagogues, the special- 
izing by scientific methods, making a practical and 
serviceable basis of education for all forms of social 
and industrial development; above all, the profound 
influence upon us of German poetry and music. As 
we think of these things, there pass before the mind's 
eye the figures of Luther, Melanchthon, Schleier- 
macher; of Fichte and Hegel; of Froebel and Paulsen, 
of Ranke, Mommsen and Curtius; of Lessing, Schiller 
and Goethe; of Bach, Beethoven and Brahms. 



VI 

FRANCE 
[The Hague, 28th August, 191 4] 

The Paris streets are desolate. They are unlighted. 
There are long empty distances in Paris; there are 
closed doors and cellars; there are vacant hotels. The 
cafes close at 8 o'clock and the restaurants at 9.30. 
At 10 all is quiet and deserted. 

The most valuable pictures in the Louvre have 
been packed in fireproof cases and the famous Venus 
de Milo is enclosed in a heavy steel safe. The art 
treasures from the chateaux of Compiegne and Chan- 
tilly have been removed so as not to be in the path of 
a German army approaching Paris. 

Why should France be involved in this war? 

Is it because she wants revenge for Alsace-Lorraine 
taken from her by Germany in 187 1? That motive 
doubtless actuates very many Frenchmen. 

Certainly, during the first period after the war of 
1870-71 it seemed to be the great motive behind the 
enormous grants made by the French ParHament to 
increase the army strength. If Bismarck started the 
whole modern movement of militarism by bringing 

60 



FRANCE 6 1 

about the Franco- German war, certainly from 187 1 to 
1904 France directly led the way to the fearful burdens 
involved everywhere in Europe by augmented arms. 

For instance, the law of 1886 raised the French 
Army's peace footing to 500,000 men at a time when 
the German peace footing numbered only 427,000. In 
contrasting the tempers of the two peoples, one notes 
that the German Government was able to respond to 
the French increase by one of but 41,000 men and 
was able to get this indeed only by dissolving that 
Reichstag which refused it and by making a strong 
appeal to its successor. 

Seven years later, namely, in 1893, the period of 
compulsory German service was reduced from three 
years to two and the German peace footing raised to 
479,000 men. Like the previous German Army Bill, 
this was only carried through the Reichstag after a 
severe struggle with the representatives of the people. 

In 1899 the German peace footing was raised to 
495,000 men, a total still below the French 500,000. 

Not until 1904, — three-quarters of the period from 
187 1 to the present time — was a law introduced to 
increase the German peace footing beyond the French 
total, and then only by 5,000. 

The French thereupon reduced their period of 
service from three years to two and, as in Germany, 
while the people gladly accepted this reduction as 



62 THE WORLD WAR 

lightening the burden upon the individual conscript, 
they hardly realized that it meant an increase in the 
number of those who were to pass through military 
training and hence a proportionate numerical increase 
in the army itself. 

Since then France has raised her peace footing to 
545,000 men and her war footing to 4,000,000. 

Germany has now gone far ahead of these totals. 
Her realization of the possibilities of the pan-Slav 
movement caused last year's sudden demand, re- 
sulting in the provision for the increase of her peace 
strength to 870,000 men and of her war strength to 
5,400,000. 

The main, steady argument for all the German in- 
creases has been effective. It was that there should 
be a constant ratio between the numbers of the army 
and the numbers of the people. Since the Franco- 
German war the French population has remained 
practically stationary. Not so the German. It has 
increased from 38,000,000 to 65,000,000. Should not 
the army be made larger proportionately? 

France was alarmed at the announcement of this 
latest German army increase for she could no longer 
augment her own forces. However, the French Prime 
Minister afforded about as much of a motive to the 
German Reichstag members to pass the German Gov- 
ernment's Bill as a French army increase, authorized 



FRANCE 63 

by the French Parliament, would have been. He an- 
nounced that he would keep with the colors those 
who were completing their second year's service. 
Yet, even with this incitement, five weeks elapsed 
before the representatives of the German people 
passed their Government's Bill. 

As Russia, not France, was the cause of the bill, 
however, the Germans were not surprised that Russia 
should reply to their army increase by raising the 
term of service in her own army from three to three 
and a quarter years, by grouping greatly increased 
forces upon the Russo-German frontier, by pushing 
strategic railways thither and by re-equipping the 
border fortresses. 

Meanwhile, the German aggressive naval pro- 
gramme had far outstripped that of France or of any 
other Continental power. 

Yet even with all this militarism the motive of 
revenge in France for Alsace-Lorraine has lessened in 
expression at least. Some years ago the eloquent 
SociaHst orator, Jean Jaures, recently assassinated, 
proclaimed in the Chamber of Deputies that France 
should now turn her attention to other and worthier 
aims than revenge. For this he received emphatic 
applause from the minority members. 

If revenge for Alsace-Lorraine and resentment at 
some exasperating frontier incidents and threats do 



64 THE WORLD WAR 

not fully explain why France is involved in the present 
war, what does? The Franco-Russian alliance. 

After her defeat in 187 1 France naturally felt her- 
self isolated in Europe. She looked about for a friend. 
Finally she found one, Russia. 

This might have been foreseen. In the first place, 
French civiHzation had always appealed most of any 
civilization to Russia. The Russian educated classes 
speak French as well as do the French themselves. 
Not so long ago, indeed, the aristocratic Russian 
classes spoke French among themselves to the exclu- 
sion of their own language and with a resultant com- 
placency over those who spoke Russian. A gratifying 
nationalistic sentiment has now brought about a 
change in this respect. 

A second reason why one might have foreseen 
that France would find a friend in Russia was because 
Russia always needs money. Who could supply it 
so well as France? — that is to say, the ultimate eco- 
nomic source of Europe, the French peasant. His 
traditions and customs form a constant source of 
wealth. 

On her part France wanted Russian support. One 
of the French shortcomings is vanity. Now vanity 
had received a blow by the Franco- German war and 
still more by the isolation which followed it. France 
longed for a friendly hand. She was overcome with 



FRANCE 65 

joy, therefore, when in 1875 the Russian Emperor 
Alexander II. stretched forth his and protected France 
from the alleged hostile German aggressions of that 
year. 

In 1879 another cause came about to lead France 
and Russia to throw themselves into each other's 
arms. If we find one far-away source of the present 
war in Russia's resentment at the Congress of BerHn 
(1878), so in 1879 we may find another in the union 
between Germany and Austria. This union was to 
lead as we are now seeing, to some over-confidence 
on the part of those alHes. But the union immediately 
led to alarm in both France and Russia at an alliance 
caused by the fear of Slavism — though some silly 
Frenchmen chose to think that they themselves con- 
stituted an equal danger. It is no wonder then that 
there was a yet more rapid drawing- together of Russia 
and France. 

In 1882 Italy began to approach the Austro- German 
union, and then joined it thus forming the Triple 
Alliance — Germany, Austria, Italy. 

It is now opposed by France, Russia and England 
in their Triple friendly understanding or Entente — to 
give it its French name, now generally used. 

This Entente, however, has referred to colonial af- 
fairs rather than to a common European poHcy. With 
France, it has referred to Morocco and dates from 



66 THE WORLD WAR 

1904. With Russia it has referred to Persia, Afghanis- 
tan and Tibet and dates from 1907. 

The Entente between France and England arose 
in this way. The exclusive EngHsh occupation of 
Egypt, begun in 1882-83, was, and until 1904, con- 
tinued to be an offence to France. Though in the 
eighties, as now, Egypt was nominally bound to the 
Turkish Sultan as overlord, it had become necessary, 
in the interests of civilization, for England and France, 
financially and economically to administer the Egyp- 
tian Government. When, however, it came to a ques- 
tion of armed interference to deliver Egypt from 
anarchy, France showed herself unready. So England 
had to accomplish the task alone and the condition 
of Egypt to-day shows how well she did it. Naturally 
the French became both increasingly out-of-sorts with 
themselves and jealous of England's success in the 
light of their own Government's unwillingness to act. 

Meanwhile their increasing interests in Morocco 
were concentrating their attention in another part of 
Africa. King Edward VII. saw in this a chance to 
conclude a mutually desirable compact. For French 
interests in Morocco were apparently growing to be 
as great as were English interests in Egypt. Hence 
the clever King and his clever Foreign Minister, Lord 
Lansdowne, brought about an agreement with the 
French Government. By it England promised not to 



FRANCE 67 

impede the extension of French influence in Morocco. 
In return, France formally recognized the English 
occupation of Egypt. Moreover, the two Powers 
promised each other diplomatic support in case of 
objections from other Powers. 

An objection quickly came. It was from Germany, 
who, after approving the new Entente, took the oc- 
casion of the Russian defeat by Japan in 1905 to ob- 
ject that no provision had been made to protect the 
important German commercial interests in Morocco. 
In 1905 WilHam II. went to that country and made 
an announcement at Tangiers itself concerning Ger- 
man interests. The German Government thereupon 
demanded a conference of the Powers to consider the 
whole question. Then, as now, M. Delcasse was 
French Foreign Minister. He demurred to this pro- 
posal. Finally, however, the French Government 
consented. M. Delcasse resigned. In 1906 the Con- 
ference met at Algeciras, Spain. While satisfying 
German objections, it practically confirmed France in 
her dealings with Morocco. Our Ambassador at the 
Conference was Henry White, long First Secretary of 
our Embassy at London, later Ambassador to Italy 
and then to France. 

That England steered a proper course throughout 
the Moroccan affair was disclosed by the German 
Chancellor's generous statement to that effect: he 



68 THE WORLD WAR 

added that "Germany bore England no ill will be- 
cause England and France had come into closer 
relationship." 

In 191 1 that relationship was suddenly put to a 
severe test by the abrupt German occupation of the 
Moroccan port of Agadir. War was averted, largely 
through the British Government's prompt diplomatic 
action. Henceforth France and England felt them- 
selves threatened by the menace of Germany. The 
Entente thereupon inevitably expanded itself from 
a colonial to a European content. This is shown in 
the interchange of letters between Sir Edward Grey, 
British Foreign Secretary, and M. Paul Cambon, 
French Ambassador in London. Sir Edward wrote: 

I agree that if either Government had grave reason to 
expect an unprovoked attack by a third Power, or some- 
thing that threatened the general peace, it should imme- 
diately discuss with the other whether both Governments 
should act together to prevent aggression and to preserve 
peace, and, if so, what measures they would be prepared 
to take in common. If these measures involved action, 
the plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into 
consideration, and the Governments would then decide 
what effect should be given to them. (British White Pa- 
per 105, Enclosure I.) 

On the following day M. Cambon replied that he 
was authorized to accept the arrangement. (British 
White Paper 105, Enclosure II.) It will be noted that 



FRANCE 69 

this arrangement bound neither France nor England 
to co-operate, even diplomatically; it simply bound 
them to discuss any menacing situation and, if they 
agreed as to the necessity of taking common measures, 
to take them. 

When the Servian conflict began, France naturally 
sympathized with her ally, Russia, whose prestige in 
the Balkans was directly affected. England, on the 
other hand, refused any solidarity with France and 
Russia on this question. (British White Paper, 
Despatch 6.) 

As we have seen, France agreed to Sir Edward 
Grey's proposal of July 26th to bring about a Four- 
Power Conference. 

On July 27 th the German Government received its 
first intimation concerning French military prepara- 
tions; a French army corps had discontinued its 
manoeuvres and returned to its garrison. (German 
White Book, Exhibit 9.) 

On July 29th the German Government discovered 
the rapidly progressing preparations by France both 
by water and on land and threatened, as a counter- 
measure, to proclaim a state of "drohende Kriegsge- 
fahr" (imminent danger of war). (German White 
Book, Exhibit 17.) 

In reply to this, M. Jules Cambon, French Ambas- 
sador at Berlin, informed the German Government 



70 THE WORLD WAR 

that the French had done nothing more than the 
Germans had done, namely, to recall officers on leave. 
(British White Paper, Despatch 98.) 

Also on July 29th, Germany assured England that 
Germany "aimed at no territorial acquisition at the 
expense of France," should Germany prove victorious 
in any war that might ensue. (British White Paper, 
Despatch 85.) 

On July 30th the French Government informed the 
English Government that France would not remain 
neutral in a war between Germany and Russia 
(British White Paper, Despatch 105) and asked Eng- 
land to range herself on the side of France. 

On July 31st England replied that she would give 
no pledge, while admitting that ''if France and Ger- 
many became involved in war, we should be drawn 
into it." (British White Paper, Despatch 119.) 

On the same day the German Government asked 
the French Government if it would remain neutral in a 
Russo-German war. (German White Book, Exhibit 
25.) The reply was that it would do what its interests 
dictated. (German White Book, Exhibit 27.) This 
was regarded in Germany as a subterfuge, as another 
way of saying that France would support Russia. 
Thereupon the Kaiser gave the order to mobilize along 
the French frontier, but to respect it. 

France, mobilizing at the same time as Germany 



FRANCE 71 

did, assured the German Government that the 
French would respect a neutral zone of ten kilometres 
(six and one-quarter miles) on her frontier. (British 
White Paper, Despatch 140.) Yet, in a number of 
instances, the German Government claims, France 
broke the peace across the border before the opening 
of actual war. 

According to the official Norddeutsche Allgemeine 
Zeitung, on August ist Sir Edward Grey asked 
Prince Lichnowsky, German Ambassador in London, 
whether, if France remained neutral in a Russo- 
German war, Germany would promise not to attack 
her. Prince Lichnowsky replied favorably and the 
Kaiser telegraphed to King George that, while the 
mobilization order on Germany's east and west 
frontiers, issued that afternoon, could not be counter- 
manded, if France offered to remain neutral and the 
English army and navy should guarantee it, he would 
not attack France and would turn his troops in an- 
other direction. 

Alas for this last opportunity for avoiding war 
between Germany and France. The English state- 
ment, according to Prince Lichnowsky, had been 
made without previous consultation with France. 

The English position with regard to France was 
thus becoming increasingly interesting. In the Mo- 
roccan quarrel, England had been definitely pledged 



72 THE WORLD WAR 

to side with France. But the present quarrel had 
nothing to do with anything on which England had 
a special agreement with France. What then was 
England to do? Did it have no duty in the matter? 

In the opinion of some Englishmen, England would 
never have interfered by force of arms on behalf of 
France if the question concerned France alone. 

In the opinion of others, she would and for this 
reason. 

The Anglo-French Entente had brought about a 
feehng that there would be more or less material co- 
operation between England and France in any menac- 
ing situation. Hence France had allowed her northern 
and western coasts to become practically undefended; 
the French fleet has been concentrated in the Mediter- 
ranean, thus allowing the English fleet to be more and 
more concentrated in the English Channel where it 
could serve both England and France. Under these 
circumstances, if the German fleet should come down 
the EngHsh Channel and bombard the practically 
unprotected coast of France, would England stand 
aside and do nothing? 

England might not have declared war. But that 
she would not stand aside is seen in her action on 
August 2d. 

The prophecy of many observers concerning Eng- 
lish aid to France would seem to have been borne out 



FRANCE 73 

on that date when England definitely promised that, 
^'if the German fleet should come into the Channel or 
through the North Sea to undertake hostile operations 
against French coasts or shipping, the British fleet 
will give ah the protection in its power." (Sir Edward 
Grey's speech of August 3 in the House of Commons.) 

Is it then just to assume that up to the actual viola- 
tion of Belgian neutrality on August 4th the English 
Government had no intention of becoming involved 
in the present struggle? Is it not rather true that 
King Edward's act of 1904 has now borne fruit in 
a very material as well as moral mutual aid between 
England and France? 

On August 2, Germany and France had already 
begun hostilities. A patrol of the XIV German Army 
Corps crossed the frontier. However, if we may 
believe the Chief of the German General Staff, '^long 
before this instance occurred, French aviators had 
thrown bombs on our railway tracks far into Southern 
Germany, and French troops had attacked our fron- 
tier guard on the Schlucht Pass." 

LATER 

Conditions in France have become specially inter- 
esting because Paris is now added to Belgrade and 
Brussels, Antwerp and Ostend, in the list of cities 
from v/hich the Government has had to flee. Among 



74 THE WORLD WAR 

the Ambassadors who were in Paris, there is one who 
has emulated the fine example of Elihu Washburne, 
American Minister to France in 187 1, when the Ger- 
mans besieged Paris. Our efficient Ambassador, 
Myron T. Herrick, remains in the capital and is the 
one Ambassador who did remain. 

The new Spanish Ambassador has now arrived there, 
however. On this hangs a tale. His predecessor at 
the time of the French Government's flight to Bor- 
deaux did not agree with his own Government as to 
the desirability of remaining in Paris. His resignation, 
therefore, was accepted and a new Ambassador ap- 
pointed, General Valtierra, who at that time had no 
intimation that he was being considered for the post. 
One day, when asked where he thought the Spanish 
Ambassador should be in the present crisis, in Paris 
or in Bordeaux, answered: ''Paris; there is nothing 
to do in Bordeaux, but Paris is the theatre of action. 
In any crisis the Ambassador should be the instru- 
ment and not the ornament of his Government. '^ 
Thereupon he was told that he was to represent Spain 
at Paris. He went thither at once. 

One thing which may be immediately done by the 
representatives of the neutral Powers in any city, 
besieged by belligerents, is the exertion of an influence 
in restraining those belligerents from the destruction 
of historic monuments and works of art. Quite 



FRANCE 75 

aside from the pressing exigencies of the moment, 
the general statement may be made that while some 
one nation may have the physical ownership of these 
historic monuments and works of art, they really 
belong to the world. 

In speaking of the work of neutral nations, the 
Red Cross should by no means be omitted. While 
the German Red Cross, the French Red Cross, and 
the British Red Cross have each labored nobly in the 
present war, special mention should be made of the 
American Red Cross. More than any other, I believe, 
our own society adheres to the fundamental doc- 
trine of the Red Cross as founded at Geneva in 1864, 
namely, that it must be absolutely international both 
in scope and function. 

Moreover, while, in the light of late developments 
it seems one's first duty to give money and assistance 
to the Belgian Relief Fund and while one would Uke 
to help various other societies, it should not be for- 
gotten that the Red Cross is the only official society 
created for neutral relief in time of war; it is the 
only one that is permanent and not composed of a 
temporary committee; the only one whose receipts, 
records and reports remain on permanent official file; 
the others are expected to go out of existence at the 
close of the war. Furthermore, it is the only organiza- 
tion fully equipped not only to receive contributions 



76 THE WORLD WAR 

but to expend them; the only one with a rich fund of 
experience behind it, which can tell it instantly how to 
work economically and efficiently, and finally, it may 
be the only one which understands the art of making a 
correct re-accounting to its patrons. 

The American Red Cross work in Munich, as I 
observed it for a month, deserves particular mention. 
It was under the efficient charge of Frau Dr. Nordhoff- 
Jung, who has seen fifteen years of Red Cross serv- 
ice in Washington. The large hall of the Christ- 
liches Hospiz was scarcely adequate to contain the 
enthusiastic assemblage, mostly American, it is true, 
but also representative of other nationalities. Lec- 
ture courses took place three times a week and en- 
abled amateurs to aid the professional nurses with 
efficiency. The subsequent demonstrations, of course 
fundamental and elementary, constituted an intrinsic 
and available proportion of the volunteers' new work- 
ing knowledge. Many of those volunteers had already 
some preparation for the work, by virtue of their 
knowledge of languages; for the others, lessons in it 
were given by a department of the Red Cross. 

A chief object of the Red Cross work in Munich, 
v/as the estabHshment near the city of a Convalescent 
Hospital, to be known as the American Red Cross 
Hospital and to enlist in its service those persons who 
were willing to nurse permanently. The work was 



FRANCE 77 

the more appealing because of the early arrival at 
Munich, as a great hospital centre, of wounded Ger- 
mans from the battlefield, and not only Germans 
but also the wounded soldiers of other nationalities. 

In Paris a similar endeavor has been in progress. 
An American Hospital has been established in the 
Lycee Pasteur in Neuilly, a new building, large and 
well adapted to the purpose. The Lycee is a second- 
ary school just built but not yet occupied. To Amer- 
ican initiative the French owe that provision was made 
at a critical moment impartially for all the wounded. 
There was room for a thousand beds. The difficulty 
was to obtain enough doctors and nurses. Eminent 
surgeons from America and American doctors in Paris 
worked all through the nights. Dr. Dubouchet, Dr. 
Blake and other surgeons performed wonderful opera- 
tions and gave marvellous object lessons in surgery. 

Another thing: The response to the calls for money 
has been good, but the needs of the Institution are 
destined to be great. The management has deter- 
mined that its expenditure shall not exceed its receipts. 
That is Mr. Herrick's special advice and care. 

During the disorganization which followed the re- 
treat from Mons, the hospital was an infinite blessing 
to the French and English. But after the battle of 
Meaux, near Paris, they recognized that a particular 
defect lay in the absence of motor ambulances. The 



78 THE WORLD WAR 

Americans in Paris quickly mobilized their own cars. 
They took the wounded from Meaux and brought 
them back to the American Hospital. They did more. 
They equipped a fleet of ambulances, of light cars 
which could be driven across country away from the 
road, when the need arose. And these were driven 
by young Americans who quickly became expert 
stretcher-bearers. 

In no country has the religious result of this war 
been more apparent than in France. Before the war 
there was conflict between the Church and the State. 
Before the war there were on the one hand, "the 
clerical terror" and ''the scarlet woman;" on the 
other hand, there were rank infidehty, scepticism, 
atheism. But now! The bravery shown by the sons 
of the Church has at least for the moment reconciled 
their opponents to them. Everywhere priests have 
been distinguished for their heroism and their devo- 
tion is shared by many members of religious Orders, 
both men and women. For instance, the Abbe Luchat 
became a sergeant in the cyclist corps and was killed 
on the field of battle. The Abbe Monbru, a lieutenant 
of Infantry, fell at the head of his company. Another, 
Abbe Grenier, was struck down while leading his men 
in a charge. Abbe Fumin, an ensign, died also in 
battle. There are already a dozen Abbes either officers, 
non-commissioned officers or private soldiers, who have 



FRANCE 79 

given their lives in this war for their country. One of 
them, Abbe Buscog dashed to the attack with his 
men while crying ''I am a priest. I fear not death, 
En avanW 

All religious quarrels are now forgotten. In the 
provincial French towns the Mother Superior of the 
Convent may actually be seen in the ''can tine scolaire 
laique" side by side with and talking in a friendly 
manner with the mistress of the lay school! 



VII 

LUXEMBURG AND BELGIUM 

[Utrecht, 2gth August, ip/4.] 

The German attack on France was subject to the 
following conditions. Half the Franco- German border 
is protected by the Vosges mountains. Just north of 
the Swiss frontier is the opening known as the Trouee 
de Belfort through those mountains, an opening 
commanded in France by the well-nigh impregnable 
fortress of Belfort. Stretching to the north is a line 
of redoubtable French ramparts, the line marked by 
Epinal, Toul and Verdun, extending behind and be- 
yond the mountains to the point where the territories 
of France, Luxemburg and Germany come together. 
North of this the French frontier faces two neutral 
states, namely, the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg and 
the Kingdom of Belgium. Convinced that England 
was as much interested as herself in preventing the 
invasion of Belgium, the Franco-Belgian frontier is 
only sHghtly fortified in comparison with the fortifica- 
tions on the border facing Germany. Thus if a Ger- 
man army, intending to attack the French, could cross 

80 



LUXEMBURG AND BELGIUM 8 1 

those neutral territories, an entrance into France 
ought to be comparatively easy. 

When the present exigency arose, the German 
army, to the complete surprise of us foreigners, was 
directed to cross Luxemburg! And this, despite the 
neutrahty treaty which we supposed would protect its 
territory. 

On August 2d the German Imperial Chancellor tele- 
graphed to the Luxemburg Government that the 
mihtary measures to be taken that day did not con- 
stitute a hostile act against Luxemburg, but were 
only intended to insure against a possible French at- 
tack; moreover that full compensation would be paid 
to Luxemburg for any damage caused by using the 
railways which were leased to the Empire. 

The Luxemburg Government protested but did 
not appeal to the Powers as it might and should have 
done. In his speech of August 4th to the Reichstag 
Herr von Bethmann Hollweg, the German Chancellor, 
acknowledged that Germany had been acting contrary 
to International Law. He said: 

We are now in a state of necessity, and necessity knows 
no law. Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and per- 
haps are already on Belgian soil. Gentlemen, that is con- 
trary to the dictates of international law. . . . The 
wrong — I speak openly — that we are committing we will 
endeavor to make good as soon as our military goal has 
been reached. Anyone who is threatened as we are threat- 



82 THE WORLD WAR 

ened, and is fighting for his highest possessions, can only- 
have one thought — how he is to hack his way through. 

Before the French Revolution the Duchy of Luxem- 
burg had been subject to Austria. At the Peace of 
1 8 14 it was given to the King of Holland, as an offset 
for the ancient possessions of his family in Nassau. 
The Congress of Vienna (18 14-15) decided that, on 
behalf of the Germanic Confederation, just formed, 
all the lands between the Meuse and the Rhine should 
be held by Prussian troops. Later the Grand Duchy 
also joined the Prussian Customs Union. 

In 1866 the Germanic Federation came to an end. 
Though Napoleon III. proposed that Luxemburg 
should be annexed to France (in 187 1 Thiers made the 
same proposal), the little State was already more 
German than French. Austria suggested that it be 
united with Belgium, which, in its turn, might cede a 
small section to France. This arrangement would 
have been accepted by both France and Germany 
and might possibly have averted the war between 
them four years later. But it was not accepted by 
the Belgian King who would not part with any of his 
territory even if he might gain other equally good 
territory. Accordingly, Prussia, acknowledging that 
her troops should now be retired, proposed an arrange- 
ment which did her great credit, namely, that the 
Grand Duchy should be perpetually neutralized 



LUXEMBURG AND BELGIUM 83 

under the Powers' collective guaranty. This was 
done in 1867 by a treaty signed at London by England, 
Austria, France, Prussia and Russia. 

Until the violation of Luxemburg's neutrality by 
the very Power which brought it about, the only sim- 
ilar occurrence took place in 1870 when the German 
Government called attention to the fact that, though 
a neutral state is bound to refuse to grant a right of 
passage to a belligerent, both France and Luxemburg 
had violated the neutrahty by giving facihties to 
French soldiers to return to France. 

Why is not the violation of Luxemburg territory 
just as much a cause for war as the violation of Bel- 
gian territory? Why is it not really more of a viola- 
tion? — since Luxemburg is helpless and cannot defend 
her rights? — a striking plea for the strong man armed! 

Why did not England, a signatory to the Luxem- 
burg neutrahty treaty, immediately protest? Why 
did not France, another signatory, protest? — especi- 
ally France, Luxemburg's next-door neighbor and the 
Power most immediately concerned. France had thus 
cause for proceeding to war, even if on that very day 
she were not directly proceeding to it. 

Finally, why did not our own Government protest? 
It was a signatory to the Hague Convention which 
promised that the territory of the neutral powers 
should be inviolable. Did we not consider ourselves 



84 THE WORLD WAR 

also bound to see that the regulations were actually 
observed? Or did we think that the later clause as to 
our freedom from entangling European alliances ex- 
cused us? 



Now as to Belgium. 

In 1830 Belgium revolted from Holland and estab- 
lished her own independence. 

In 183 1, England, Austria, France, Prussia and 
Russia declared, by the Treaty of London, that Bel- 
gium was not only an independent but also a neutral 
state. This was reaffirmed in 1839. 

In 1866, so it was alleged, M. Benedetti, the French 
representative in Prussia, proposed that, as an offset 
for the Prussian conquest of Schleswig, Prussia should 
assist France in acquiring Belgium I This proposal 
however had the effect some years later of bringing 
about a new Treaty (1870) by which it was agreed 
that if either France or Prussia violated Belgian terri- 
tory, England would unite with the other in its de- 
fence. A cartoon in Punch for August of that year 
shows England, armed, encouraging Belgium with 
the words '' Trust me. Let us hope they won't trouble 
you, dear friend. But if they do " 

The Treaty of 1870 guaranteeing Belgian neutrality 
laid a duty upon England which the Luxemburg 
Treaty did not. The Belgian Treaty guaranty is an 



LUXEMBURG AND BELGIUM 85 

individual one, by which England binds herself to co- 
operate with the one contracting Power when the other 
contracting Power violates Belgian territory. The 
Luxemburg Treaty on the other hand was a collective 
contract, by which England with certain cosignatories 
agreed to protect Luxemburg's neutraHty. 

Finally, in addition to the above Treaties, the 
Hague Convention of 1907 reaffirms these principles 
concerning "The Rights and Duties of Neutral 
Powers and Persons in War on Land": 

(i) The territory of neutral Powers is inviolable. 

(2) Belligerents are forbidden to move across the terri- 
tory of a neutral power troops or convoys, either of 
munitions of war or supplies. 

Despite these Treaties, on July 24th, Belgium 
vaHantly made preparations to meet a possible in- 
vasion. (Belgian Grey Book, 2.) Germany said that 
**it depended on the action of France what operations 
Germany might be forced to enter upon in Belgium, 
but that when the war was over, Belgian integrity 
would be respected if she had not sided against Ger- 
many." (British White Paper, 85.) 

When our own Government learned this, why 
did it not immediately protest under the Hague 
Convention? Did it abstam, also under that Con- 
vention? 



86 THE WORLD WAR 

On July 31st innocent Belgium declared that she 
would do her utmost to defend her neutrality. (Bel- 
gian Grey Book, 11.) 

On the same date England asked France and Ger- 
many if they would respect Belgian neutrahty. (Brit- 
ish White Paper, 114.) The reply of France was as 
follows: 

The French Government is resolved to respect the neu- 
trality of Belgium, and it would only be in the event of 
some other Power violating that neutrahty that France 
might find herself under the necessity, in order to assure 
the defence of her security, to act otherwise. (British 
White Paper, 125.) 

The reply of Germany was the expression of a 
doubt as to whether any answer could really be given 
at all, because any reply would not fail, in the event of 
war, to disclose to a certain extent part of the Ger- 
man plan of campaign! This was as much as to say 
that the German Government expected the German 
Army to cross Belgium. 

In truth, neither the French nor the German as- 
surances respecting Belgian neutrahty indicated that 
there had been any reahzation that the promise to 
respect neutrahty might be supposed to be absolute, 
not relative. Indeed, the question was, in the minds 
of some : Who would get there first? 

Though I have as yet seen no documentary proof. 



LUXEMBURG AND BELGIUM 87 

the Germans claim that the French got there first, 
that the French troops crossed into Belgium on Au- 
gust ist — while on the 2d Germany was requesting 
Belgium's permission to cross a part of her territory— 
and that French officers were later captured by the 
Germans at Liege. 

The German request to the Belgian Government 
was, however, both an ultimatum and a menace to 
inoffensive Belgium — a country which only asked 
to be let alone. It was for a free passage through 
Belgian territory, Germany promising to maintain 
the independence and integrity of the kingdom and 
its possessions at the conclusion of peace, but threaten- 
ing, in case of refusal, to treat Belgium as an enemy! 
An answer was requested within twelve hours. (Bel- 
gian Grey Book, 20, 22, 24.) 

The Belgian Government categorically refused this 
insulting request, justly deeming it a flagrant violation 
of the Law of Nations. 

On August 3d, King Albert of Belgium telegraphed 
to King George of England as follows: 

Remembering the numerous proofs of your Majesty's 
friendship and that of your predecessor and the friendly 
attitude of England in 1870 and the proof of friendship you 
have just given us again, I make a supreme appeal to the 
diplomatic intervention of your Majesty's Government to 
safeguard the integrity of Belgium. (British White 
Paper, 153; Belgian Grey Book, 25). 



88 THE WORLD WAR 

On the same day the German Chancellor said in his 
address to the Reichstag: 

We have informed the English Government that, as 
long as England remains neutral, our fleet will not attack 
the northern coast of France and that we will not touch 
the territorial integrity and independence of Belgium. 
These assurances I now repeat before the world and I may 
add that, as long as England remains neutral we would also 
be willing, upon reciprocity being assured, to take no war- 
like measures against French commercial shipping. 

The German Government also instructed Prince 
Lichnowsky, German Ambassador at London, as fol- 
lows: 

Please dispel any mistrust that may subsist on the part 
of the British Government with regard to our intentions, 
by repeating most positively formal assurance that, even 
in the case of armed conflict with Belgium, Germany will, 
under no pretence whatever, annex Belgian territory. . . . 
Please impress upon Sir E. Grey that German army could 
not be exposed to French attack across Belgium, which 
was planned according to absolutely unimpeachable in- 
formation. Germany had consequently to disregard Bel- 
gian neutrality, it being for her a question of life or death 
to prevent French advance. (British White Paper, 157.) 

On the same day. Sir Edward Grey thus telegraphed 
to the British Minister at Brussels: 

You should inform Belgian Government that if pressure 
is applied to them by Germany to induce them to depart 



LUXEMBURG AND BELGIUM 89 

from neutrality, His Majesty's Government expect that 
they will resist by any means in their power, and that His 
Majesty's Government will support them in offering such 
resistance, and that His Majesty's Government in this 
event are prepared to join Russia and France, if desired, 
in offering to the Belgian Government at once common 
action for the purpose of resisting use of force by Germany 
against them, and a guaranty to maintain their inde- 
pendence and integrity in future years. (British White 
Paper, Despatch 155). 

Sir Edward Grey instructed Sir Edward Goschen, 
British Minister at Berlin, to present this ultimatum: 

We hear that Germany has addressed note to Bel- 
gian Minister for Foreign Affairs stating that German 
Government will be compelled to carry out, if necessary 
by force of arms, the measures considered indispen- 
sable. 

We are also informed that Belgian territory has been 
violated at Gemmenich. 

In these circumstances, and in view of the fact that Ger- 
many decHned to give the same assurance respecting Bel- 
gium as France gave last week in reply to our request made 
simultaneously at Berlin and Paris, we must repeat that 
request, and ask that a satisfactory reply to it and to my 
telegram of this morning be received here by 12 o'clock 
to-night. If not, you are instructed to ask for your pass- 
ports, and to say that His Majesty's Government feel 
bound to take all steps in their power to uphold the neu- 
trality of Belgium and the observance of a treaty to which 
Germany is as much a party as ourselves. (British White 
Paper, 159.) 



90 THE WORLD WAR 

Now what are Treaties? Promises to be kept in 
fair weather and not in foul? Apparently, if we may 
believe Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg's words as re- 
ported by Sir Edward Goschen on learning the 
British Ambassador's instructions: 

He said that the step taken by His Majesty's Govern- 
ment was terrible to a degree; just for a word — "neutral- 
ity," a word which in war time had so often been disre- 
garded — just for a scrap of paper Great Britain was going 
to make war on a kindred nation who desired nothing bet- 
ter than to be friends with her. (British Blue Book, i6o.) 

A scrap of paper! The words will return to plague 
him who uttered them. And they will return to 
plague every Government and individual that takes 
advantage of the infamous old adage, ''Might makes 
Right." 

The German Army has invaded Belgium. It has 
captured Liege, Brussels, Namur and other places. 
In all this, as we foreigners in Germany at the time 
openly charged, it has defied international ethics. 
Our German friends mournfully admitted the truth 
of all this, explaining on behalf of the Government 
that dire necessity forced it to such action. 

Perhaps the German miHtarists might have thought 
twice had they realized what was to follow. Though 
sympathizing with France, England, so long as Belgian 
neutrality was kept inviolate, made no declaration of 



LUXEMBURG AND BELGIUM 91 

war. But the moment when that neutrality was vio- 
lated then England's duty, in the opinion of practically 
every Englishman, was clear. England could not 
permit a great Power openly to tear up the solemn 
promises which it had made with the rest of the 
Powers. With all his bluntness would Bismarck have 
broken Belgian neutrahty? He did not do so in 1870 
and why now? 

If Germany is fighting to stem the tide of Slavism, 
so England is equally fighting for a great principle. 
If England wins, international law and international 
ethics will win. 

But something else has come — inhumanity. 

If the Germans had merely taken a small strip of 
Belgian territory at the south without injuring the 
inhabitants or being injured by them, the case for 
humanity would have been different. But, as in 
Germany we read of revolting outrages wreaked by 
Belgians on wounded German soldiers, here we read 
also of revolting reprisals wreaked by unwounded 
German soldiers upon Belgian men, women and chil- 
dren all over the kingdom. We hear of the bombard- 
ment of undefended towns. We hear of dreadful 
pillage, of the destruction of many unoffending homes; 
of churches, museums, schools, universities; of notable 
memorials of architecture, sculpture, painting and 



92 THE WORLD WAR 

stained glass. We hear of the levying of staggering 
contributions, of the seizure of funds belonging to 
private persons and local authorities, and of collective 
penalties for individual acts. Above all, we hear of the 
attempt to terrorize a country by bestial and brutal 
cruelty to its non-combatants. 

And yet each of these things is prohibited by The 
Hague regulations as well as by common decency. 

Doubtless most of the stories of atrocities, submitted 
by either side are exaggerations. But, even if a quarter 
were true, there would be the necessity for a tribunal 
(which we should convoke) of neutral judges to decide, 
after hearing evidence, as to the accuracy of the facts 
alleged and to take whatever action might be necessary 
to vindicate the authority of international law. 

We thought the atrocities in the Balkan wars, 
whether committed by Turk or Bulgarian, incredible, 
and yet these committed in Belgium, are hardly char- 
acteristic even of the Gothic invaders of the Roman 
Empire. Of course, the responsibiHty rests upon 
the invaders of the Belgian Kingdom. The posi- 
tion of that Kingdom was likened the other day to 
that of a little boy who owns a boat. A rough fellow, 
who has agreed not to bother him, steps up and says: 
''Will you let me have your boat to row across the 
stream? No? Then I'll take it away, and if you 
interfere, I'll knock you on the head.'' 



VIII 
HOLLAND 

[Vlissingen (Flushing), 30th August, 191 4] 

Arriving at The Hague in these days the first duty 
and privilege of most Americans is to go immediately 
to their Legation. 

The Legation is no longer in the little house on the 
Lange Voorhout, next to the Hotel des Indes, but 
further along and on the opposite side of that de- 
lightful drive, in a splendid mansion, with a charming 
garden at its back. 

The spacious rooms of the Legation are full to over- 
flowing with secretaries, clerks, stenographers, type- 
writers, messengers. At least six times their number 
of eager American travellers confronts them. All 
the travellers are bent on obtaining the very latest 
information concerning ways and means to get home. 
As in other cities on the Continent, there is, of course, 
a great rush of our countrymen and women to obtain 
information as to how to get their letters of credit 
and travellers' cheques cashed, and, if deprived of 
financial resources, how to ^' raise the wind." But 
the financial situation has now very much improved. 

93 



94 THE WORLD WAR 

About everyone seems to have been provided for in 
some way or other. In its turn, the transportation 
situation has been improved and there is proportion- 
ate satisfaction. 

It is noteworthy how, in a very short time. Dr. 
Henry van Dyke, our Minister to this country, has 
gathered about him a large and fine staff of young 
men. They are as busy as bees. They are working 
cheerfully and patiently from morning to midnight. 

Indeqd, the story of this war will not be entirely 
told without reference to the services rendered to 
the English and French and Germans and other na- 
tionals in belKgerent countries by our Ambassadors 
and Ministers and Consuls in affording them protec- 
tion as well as to our own countrymen and women 
there. Secondly, there must also be mention of the 
services rendered by the large number of unselfish 
Americans abroad who have spent themselves in per- 
sonal service so that others might be benefited. Though 
Holland is belligerent territory for no one, the Lega- 
tion at The Hague has been as overworked as has any 
Embassy or Consulate anywhere, this chiefly because 
of the many thousands of Americans who have come 
northwards into this happy neutral land with its 
neutral ports. 

Arriving in Holland from Germany we expected 
that, because we were entering a neutral country, 



HOLLAND 95 

we would not see much military activity. Quite the 
contrary was the fact. There seemed, in proportion, 
just as much as in Germany. For Holland, though 
not at war with anyone, has been mobilizing too — 
against a possible emergency — and the mobilization 
has been carried out with efficient energy. In a week's 
time, the active force has been trebled. 

So far so good, though here, as in Germany, one 
quickly distinguishes the reserve troops from the 
regulars by their less soldierly air and, as is natural, 
also by a less aloofness from the civiHans. 

It seemed necessary to the Dutch Government to 
mobilize without delay. We learned about this at 
first hand for into the first-class compartment of our 
railway carriage to-day there came officers and sol- 
diers too. If the soldiers are too many for the third 
class, then they overflow into the second, and if too 
many for the second then into the first. It is always 
more interesting to me, however, when travelHng 
alone, to go third class, both for economy and because 
one learns to know the people better. 

We talked with the soldiers and the officers and 
so got acquainted with the Dutch nation in arms. 
Should it come to war between Holland and any 
other country, the Dutch, I have no doubt, would 
show themselves worthy of their heroic history. As far 
as readiness is concerned, they have already done so. 



96 THE WORLD WAR 

The feeling here is fierce for defence against any vio- 
lation of Dutch neutrality, whether of territory or 
trade. 

If, for instance, Germany or England should act 
out of harmony with The Hague Convention by sow- 
ing mines in the North Sea without regard for the 
rights of neutral commercial shipping, but especially 
if Germany should repeat in Holland her action in 
Belgium of violating neutral territory, the Dutch 
course would be indicated by the words of Dr. Colen- 
rander, the historian, in the current Gids. He says: 

Deeply shocked, Holland extends its sincerest sympathy 
to Belgium, so heavily overtaken in defending a right for 
which we also, in the event of that right being contested, 
must stand or fall. Hostile bullets shall torture our 
flesh less if we defend our principles than would remorse of 
conscience, should we forsake our duty. For our part we 
can still say '^ Peace and Right," while standing armed. 

But there has been something else than violation 
of Belgian territory and concerning it Dutch opinion 
is justly no less stern. We find it expressed in the lead- 
ing weekly paper of Amsterdam, the Weekhlad voor 
Nederland: 

Louvain, the wonderful Louvain, has been devastated 
and the people have been slaughtered or driven away, dev- 
astated by the German army, whose business, we are told, 
is to defend KuUur against Russian barbarism. 

Dear good German friends, we weep for wonderful Lou- 



HOLLAND 



97 



vain, we weep for the Belgians, but we weep still more for 
you. If the Russians in the north-east of Germany were 
now to take vengeance, a town for a town and a peasant 
for a peasant — why, it would be terrible for the whole 
civilized world, and the very thought makes us shudder. 
But you, what would you be able to say? 

An equally grim course may be expected by Eng- 
land, should she, in line with her long ago oppression 
of Holland, molest Dutch commerce by any unwar- 
rantable stopping of Dutch passenger steamers to 
search for contraband. Of course, with such a case as 
has been recently reported, when it was known that 
German army reservists were on board a Dutch ship, 
Holland has nothing to say. But she has some- 
thing to say whenever she thinks her trade-rights un- 
reasonably affected, as, for instance, when the English 
papers demand that Holland should not sell grain to 
Germany. The Dutch resent this. If a Rotterdam 
merchant gets grain from America, they say, why 
should he not resell it to some German client for the use 
of the German people? Incidentally, both England 
and Germany are relying on regular supplies of Dutch 
cattle, sheep, eggs, and butter, and this year Holland's 
wealth in all these commodities is fortunately unusu- 
ally great. 

But this is not the only irritation from England. 

The suggestion has actually been made there that 
the English should send troops to Belgium through 



98 THE WORLD WAR 

the mouth of the Scheldt, which belongs to Holland, 
up the river to succor Antwerp, which of course belongs 
to Belgium. The Dutch monopoly of navigation on 
the Scheldt was admitted by the nations as far back as 
the Treaty of Munster (1648) and when, in 1792, 
France attempted to throw down her gauntlet to 
England by opening the river to all nations, William 
Pitt thus replied: 

With regard to the Scheldt France can have no right to 
annul existing stipulations, unless she also have the right 
to set aside equally the other treaties between all Powers of 
Europe and all the other rights of England and her allies. 

And, incredible as it may seem, the further sugges- 
tion has been made that the English might protect 
Dutch neutrahty as against a possible German attack 
by sending their own soldiers thither — hardly realiz- 
ing, of course, that if they are now avenging the Ger- 
man violation of Belgian neutrahty, their own pro- 
posal would violate Dutch neutrality. 

Accordingly the Dutch have seen that it was high 
time to be ready to resist either German or English 
interference. As to the EngHsh, the Dutch Govern- 
ment has placed the whole coast in a condition of com- 
plete defence and is now about to emphasize it by de- 
claring as in a state of siege this very port of Vlissingen 
(Flushing), where a fine large German steamer is lying 
moored, and also the ports of Texel, TerscheUing, 



HOLLAND 



99 



Harlingen, Hellevoetsluys and part of the port of the 
Hook of Holland. The object of this action is to pre- 
vent the departure from these ports of ships owned or 
chartered by belligerent Powers when there is inten- 
tion to use those vessels for war purposes; such de- 
partures would infringe on Dutch neutrality. 

In the same way, as against any possible continental 
aggression, the famous waterlines can be used. The 
Hne nearest Germany is known as the Grebbe. It runs 
due south from the Zuiderzee through Amersfoort to 
the river Waal; it is some ten miles wide and about 
seventy long. The other similar Hne runs from the 
Zuiderzee through Utrecht to the Meuse — the Maas, 
as they say here. The territory covered by these 
lines can quickly be flooded as a whole or by sections. 
There should also be mentioned the water defence of 
Amsterdam, a place, because of this, in perhaps the 
strongest military position of any city in the world. 

All these waterhnes are defended by inner forts. In 
case of flooding these forts would emerge like so many 
islands. And the flooding would leave North Holland 
as one great island. In its turn this region itself could 
also be flooded by sections. Speaking of North Hol- 
land, who can forget that chapter in Motley's History 
which describes the raising of the siege of Leyden (1574) 
by means of the cutting down of the seaward dykes? 

And, speaking of forts, as we crossed the border into 



lOO THE WORLD WAR 

Holland from Germany, the windows of our railway 
carriages were closed and kept closed while we passed 
through the Dutch frontier forts, lest something should 
be thrown out of those windows! 

Again, yesterday, for miles outside the fortified city 
of Utrecht, we noted that the Government had forced 
the people in all the surrounding territory to abandon 
their homes and that the noble old trees had been cut 
down all along the highways so that from his fortress 
the Dutchman might have a wider view of the imme- 
diate countryside. In order to have an entirely un- 
obstructed space the houses had been mined and could 
be quickly blown to pieces by underground signal Hues 
from the fortress. 

England's interference, if any, with Dutch affairs, 
would be largely of the commercial character above 
indicated. But Germany's interference, it has been 
said, might have land-hunger and sea-facilities as a 
motive. 

Yet it is difficult to see just why Germany should 
want Holland. The Fatherland needs an additional 
outlet to the sea, but it needs it on the Adriatic. As to 
the Baltic and North Seas it has all the necessary 
frontier and harbor facihties. Especially is this true 
of the mouths of the Rhine. Any extension of her 
North Sea frontier would only expose Germany the 
more to a possible attack from the greatest sea-power, 



HOLLAND lOI 

Britain. Holland now shields Germany from that 
Power. 

The English grant all this, but they do not fail to 
point out that Germany, if in possession of Holland, 
would have certain strategic advantages which might 
partially offset the certain strategic disadvantages 
above noted — that is to say Germany might use the 
Frisian Islands as a screen, from the rear of which 
torpedo craft could issue to damage the British fleet, 
and that the flat country of the mainland would make 
an ideal landing place for aircraft. 

So much from the military point of view. But there 
is another point of view than the miHtary, and that is 
the racial. Has not Germany had enough experience 
in trying to rule the Danes, Poles, and French within 
her borders? Why should she want the Dutch too? 

Either Engh'sh or German interference would im- 
mediately and permanently exasperate the hardy 
Dutchman, jealous of his rights, dearly won against 
both man and nature. 

All nations should keep their hands off Holland. 
The Dutch may be a small folk in quantity. But they 
are high in quahty. In the days of William the Silent 
they showed of what mettle they were made. And 
now their spirit is, I believe, as independent, resource- 
ful, and heroic as ever. 



DC 
ENGLAND: THE ARMY 

[Oxford, yth September, igi4] 

To-day I entered Balliol Quadrangle. I saw a 
sight which I can never forget. That College is 
supposed to be the most intellectual of any here. It 
was long presided over by the great Jowett, the Vice- 
Chancellor of the University in my day. 

To-day on the grassy plot surrounded by beautiful 
Gothic architecture — seemingly the serenest spot in 
Oxford — one no longer sees a Don in cap and gown 
crossing from one side to another. Instead, there is 
a group of young men drilling so that they may be- 
come soldiers. What Hkely lads! As I attempted to 
cross the *'Quad" a sentry challenged me and said: 
"Very sorry, Sir. Visits no longer permitted. College 
is under military rule." 

In busy, noisy London it seems appropriate that 
there should be numerous recruiting stations and that 
drilHng should be going on briskly. But here, in quiet, 
academic old Oxford! At first one does not get ac- 
customed to it, but, before long, one begins to see that 
Oxford is pecuHarly the place for the acquirement, 

I02 



ENGLAND: THE ARMY I03 

not only of privates, but of officers for the British 
Army. 

Indeed, as fine work has been done here in strength- 
ening the Army as anywhere. There is a popular sup- 
position that the Universities may be expected to 
produce officers rather than privates. Surely in a 
country justly priding itself on its love of outdoor 
sports and especially here at Oxford, where we see fine 
types of youth, there should be very many young 
men well capable of being trained as soldiers and 
officers. Now the need of officers is specially great 
and will continue to be great as long as the war lasts. 
Hence, a University Board was organized to deal 
actively with the situation. The Board is composed 
of the Vice-Chancellor (Dr. T. B. Strong of Christ- 
church) and four other members. Three of these are 
also members of the Oxford University Officers Train- 
ing Corps — a permanent institution. The members 
have been sitting every day to interview and report 
upon any candidates for a commission, and have 
been in daily communication with the War Office in 
London. The Training Corps has already done good 
work under peace conditions, and now, under war 
conditions, it is, with the Vice-Chancellor's approval, 
urging every able-bodied undergraduate to join it. 
Thus from time to time relays of men will be produced 
quahfied to receive a commission and to take part in 



I04 THE WORLD WAR 

the training of Lord Kitchener's successive new armies. 
Since the beginning of the war the Board has already 
nominated about twelve hundred men. Some thirty 
of them are destined for the Military School at Sand- 
hurst, about fifty for commissions in the regular army, 
over two hundred for the Special Reserve, over four 
hundred for the Territorial Forces, and between four 
hundred and five hundred for Lord Kitchener's new 
army. 

This quota does not, of course, exhaust the number 
of University men who have now joined the army; 
some have enlisted and some were already holding 
commissions in the Territorials when the war began. 

Suggestions have been made to the Vice-Chancellor 
to close the University of Oxford entirely and so turn 
all the men into the ranks of the new army now being 
enrolled. But the Vice-Chancellor contends, first, 
that this would make an unappreciable difference to 
the recruiting now and, second, that it would extin- 
guish for good all hope of a succession of officers. 
Turning to Cambridge the same opinion is found. 
The Cambridge University Board of Military Studies 
writes: 

We submit that it is one acknowledged duty of the Uni- 
versities to furnish officers for the Army, and they are 
amply fulfilling that duty. The closing of the Universities 
would only increase the difficulty of training and selecting 



ENGLAND: THE ARMY I05 

the officers of the immediate future, and the supply of 
such officers would be seriously imperilled if young Uni- 
versity men were indiscriminately encouraged to join the 
ranks. 

To show the enthusiasm among Oxford men, I 
would add the report of a special inquiry made at 
Oriel College. Of 129 men in residence there last 
term, nearly 100 have volunteered in some form or 
other, and of those who have not, some are Rhodes 
Scholars who have already gone home, some are on 
the sick list and some are in Holy Orders. 

The War Office has now sanctioned the formation 
of units in which the so-called PubHc School lads may 
enhst under conditions similar to those in the Regular 
Army. In England these schools are not the common 
schools we know at home but are great institutions 
Hke Eton, Winchester, Rugby, Harrow, Westminster, 
Marlborough, Uppingham, Clifton, Rossall, Bedford. 
The "old boys" from these institutions have made a 
splendid response. They have been gathered — nearly 
1,000 of them — at the town of Epsom, famous hitherto 
for the "Derby." The paddock has seen many 
assemblages of race horses on Derby day and the 
appurtenances on the Downs have hitherto known 
only stable boys and trainers. Another kind of trainer 
has now come to the fore. The paddock is now trans- 
formed into a camp. The equipment on the rolling 



I06 THE WORLD WAR 

uplands is now used not to make horses but to make 
men robust. As soon as the lads number i,ioo, they 
will have become a unit which, when trained, will be 
available for service at home or abroad. Their name 
is to be the Special Public School Corps. 

It is to be hoped that certain battalions will be iden- 
tified with certain schools. Thus the competition 
which has always obtained, would be put to good use. 
Winchester, for instance, would not expect to be a 
whit behind Eton in smart appearance or marching, 
any more than it has ever supposed itself to be behind 
Eton in anything! 

If this be true of the pubKc school battalions, it is 
also true, on a larger scale, with provincial represen- 
tation. The various old territorial designations of 
British regiments have also had a distinct sentimental 
and material value in rousing enthusiasm. This should 
be made the most of at the present time. No one who 
has visited the various districts of the United Kingdom 
can be in any doubt that a prime cause of the success 
of the recruiting so far has been the appeal to very 
local patriotism, to the emulation between district 
and district, between town and town. In addition, 
it is only natural that men from the same part of the 
countryside should wish, if possible, to serve together; 
hence the pleasant name one hears nowadays, *'Pals' 
Battalions." 



ENGLAND: THE ARMY 107 

The scene in Balliol "Quad" reminded me of a 
similar one I saw the other day in Lincoln's Inn, 
London, that quiet oasis between Holborn and the 
Strand. Lincoln's Inn has always been associated 
in my mind only with young men quietly studying 
law and with older men as quietly administering it. 
But the splendid Library and the long rows of cham- 
bers now look down on squads of lads drilling in the 
open. Some of them are already in khaki; others 
only in their shirt sleeves. 

In many other places in London drilling is in 
progress; on Somerset House Terrace, at the Horse 
Guards Parade, at the Knightsbridge and at the 
Albany Barracks, for instance. In Tottenham Court 
Road, too — that symbol of the purely commercial 
and the non-mihtary — there is one great mark of the 
uncommercial and the military. It is found in and 
about the massive Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion Building. That building has become a centre 
for the Territorials — those Volunteers who, in any 
event, go into camp every year. But specially this 
year! The Young Men's Association is offering 
special facilities for training to men who have tried 
to enlist in the Army and have been rejected because 
their physical development has not been up to the 
required standard. Special classes are therefore held 
in the Association Building in the evening, and any 



Io8 THE WORLD WAR 

man may get his training in them without charge if 
he can produce satisfactory evidence that he has been 
rejected and if it is thought that, with training, he 
would be likely to reach the required standard. 

You pass through Tottenham Court Road into 
Oxford Street and Regent Street. In many of the 
shop windows and on all public taxicabs and 'buses 
are such printed appeals as these, in large letters: 

A CALL TO ARMS. 

TO ARMS FOR KING AND COUNTRY! 

YOUR COUNTRY NEEDS YOU! 

ENGLAND EXPECTS EVERY MAN TO DO HIS 
DUTY. 

LORD KITCHENER WANTS ioo,cx)0 MORE VOL- 
UNTEERS. 

JOIN THE ARMY TILL THE WAR IS OVER. 

And then, more rarely, such a pithy, appealing 
notice as this to any Britisher of backbone: 

UP TILL NOW YOU HAVE LOOKED ON AT THE 
GAME. WE CALL UPON YOU TO PLAY IT NOW. 
FORWARDS WANTED! NO BACKS! PLAY UP! 

And then, above all, this one: 

COME NOW, DONT HAVE TO BE FETCHED! 
THE PEOPLE WILL LOOK AFTER YOUR HOMES. 

Just how any Englishman, who believes in his 



ENGLAND: THE ARMY lOQ 

country's cause, can withstand this last appeal is 
beyond me. 

However, that sharp critic among weekly papers, 
Truth, warns thus: 

The average Briton, especially of the working class, is 
rather a shy and wary bird, extremely suspicious of any- 
thing resembling chaff. He mistrusts attempts to work 
upon his feelings by high-sounding phrases; and he is ac- 
customed to size-up posters at election times. ''Your 
King and country need you" frequently leaves him un- 
moved, occasionally even evokes derisive retorts; I am 
sorry to say I have heard them. If you want to influence 
such a man you must use other methods than those of the 
patent medicine vendor. You must approach him as a 
reasonable being through his understanding and his deep 
convictions. In that way you will not approach him in 
vain. The people of this country have as strong a sense of 
community of interest and mutual dependence as any 
in the world, and are as capable as any of heroic sacrifices 
in a cause which they understand. They are all of the 
same flesh and blood and spirit as our soldiers and sailors 
who are bearing themselves so bravely on land and sea. 
They will not fail to respond to any call of duty when it 
strikes the right note; but they will not dance if you pipe 
to them in the wrong tune. 

Then there are other and rather more commercial 
appeals in the shop windows. In a Piccadilly cigar 
emporium there is this: 

ALL TOBACCO AND CIGARS FOR THE CON- 
TINENT ARE NOW DUTY FREE. REMEMBER 
OUR MEN AT THE FRONT. 



no THE WORLD WAR 

And then there is still another kind of appeal: 

YOU DON'T WANT US TO CLOSE UP BECAUSE 
OF THE WAR, DO YOU? 250 EMPLOYEES ARE 
DEPENDENT FOR THEIR DAILY BREAD ON THIS 
ESTABLISHMENT. PATRONIZE US INSTEAD OF 
BUYING GOODS ''MADE IN GERMANY." 

But the recruiting's the thing. It is going bravely 
forward and an additional fillip is given wherever a 
band is present outside the Recruiting Office, playing 
patriotic airs. Several orchestras make a point of 
accompanying, without charge, the various contin- 
gents from the London Central Recruiting Depot in 
Great Scotland Yard to the railway station. 

Yet with all the recruiting, there come to us who 
have been in Germany two convictions. 

The first is that these preparations are being made 
much too long after the war has begun. For London 
differs patently from BerHn in this, that all its young 
men have not been sent to the front. 

The second is that the preparations are meeting 
with inadequate response. Day before yesterday 
was London's largest recruiting day — four thousand 
men joined the ranks! — and there has been fatuous 
self-complacency in consequence. Though the total 
of recruits will doubtless in a few days exceed half a 
million, this is small compared with the number in 
Germany. 



ENGLAND: THE ARMY III 

The conditions of recruiting in England of course 
bring up the question of conscription. The advocates 
of that system declare that it is the only way to make 
*' every man do his duty/' but that nothing less than 
the imminent and vital danger of the present crisis 
will burst the bonds of the old voluntary system. 
That system, say the conscriptionists, simply means 
that English manhood is resolved not to defend Eng- 
land and even to contribute as little as possible towards 
paying others to undertake that duty. Hence, if we 
may believe this, the EngHsh are both poltroons and 
mean men. The conscriptionists repel the insinuation 
that they would bring England under the despotic 
Prussian mihtarism. No, the conscriptionists are 
moved, they say, only by the double consciousness 
of a great national danger to be faced and a great 
national advantage to be gained. 

Moreover, they add, the organization, discipline 
and success of the German army during the century 
from 1 8 13 to the present time is due, not to '* machine 
methods" but to a realization of such a national 
danger to be faced and a national advantage to be won. 

The party in favor of conscription is led by Britain's 
most famous soldier, Earl Roberts. Every word 
which he has spoken for years past about the menace 
of war has now come true. Every warning he has 
given has been justified. 



112 THE WORLD WAR 

All will agree with him that it is the duty of every 
man, high or low, rich or poor, to defend his country 
in case of national danger. But not all EngHshmen 
have agreed with him that, to prepare for this duty, 
there should be universal training for military service 
in time of peace ; that there should be not only physi- 
cal training in all the schools but that all boys up to 
the age of eighteen should undergo some miHtary 
discipline. Still fewer EngHshmen have believed with 
Lord Roberts that for all able-bodied youths between 
eighteen and twenty-one there should be a continuous 
training of at least four months for the infantry, with 
longer periods for other arms and that, after this 
training, the men should serve in the Territorial 
Force for three years. But now. Lord Roberts is 
magnanimous enough not to say "I told you so," 
though the extra strain on the nation, because it had 
not a large enough trained force at the start, has cost 
thousands of lives and millions of money. 

More and more the weight of Lord Roberts's opinion 
is being borne in upon the English people. And yet 
they are still standing loyally by their voluntary 
system. 

The advocates of that system point to the fact that 
already not only have a very great number of men 
enlisted, but that because they have spontaneously 
done so and have not been dragooned into it, there is 



ENGLAND: THE ARMY 



113 



a resultant quality of enthusiasm which makes each 
volunteer worth any two conscripts. Is not this 
shown, they urge, by the fact that the British turned 
the tide of German advance in France? 

Furthermore, these advocates add, the Govern- 
ment's call for another half million men has a moral 
ring impossible to obtain by the conscript system. 

However this be, the desirability of giving city lads 
out-of-door training, whether by the conscript or the 
voluntary system, is evident. It is a pleasure to see 
in Hyde Park or Regent's Park the pale counting- 
room faces becoming rosier. When we speak of Brit- 
ish lads, we generally think of a ruddy-faced Rugby 
boy or of a stalwart young Guardsman; we do not 
always remember the lads bending over ledgers in the 
City. 

And there is another thing. Under Lord Kitchener's 
expert yet elastic guidance, the War Office is showing 
an unheard-of adaptabihty to circumstances. We 
have seen this in its relations to the Universities and 
to the PubHc Schools and to the recruits in general. 

Finally, any account of present conditions here 
would be incomplete without mention of its most 
picturesque element — the Boy Scouts. They have 
suddenly leaped into the limelight. They occupy the 
very front of the stage. Their unostentatious beha- 
vior and yet their eager thirst to '^do something" has 



114 THE WORLD WAR 

endeared them both to the civil and to the military 
elements of the population. No one can walk from 
St. James' Palace across the Park to Wellington Bar- 
racks and thence to Whitehall Place without being 
convinced that in the Boy Scouts England possesses 
the very kernel of her next army. 

There are something like 4,000 Scouts in London 
alone. They lend a hand in practically every activity. 
Their charming uniform is the most welcome sight in 
any street and redeems instantly whatever there is of 
the dingy in it. One looks up and down the street 
nowadays, indeed, to see if he cannot discern some 
lithe figure approaching in slouch hat and colored neck- 
erchief and khaki shirt — a bit of ribbon floating from 
the shoulder — and then the bare knees to give the 
last touch to the picture. The Scout seems the cheer- 
fullest thing in England. 

The Scout system means discipline as well as cheer. 
The other day a gentleman attempted to cross a bridge 
in the country. Beside the bridge stood a Boy Scout. 
He warned the gentleman not to cross. But the 
gentleman was not to be held back. 

The boy objected: "I have orders to prevent any- 
one crossing this bridge." 

'' But how are you going to prevent me?" said the 
gentleman. 

Instantly the boy whipped out a whistle and blew 



ENGLAND: THE ARMY 115 

it, and in less time than it takes to tell it, Scouts be- 
gan to appear from all quarters until forty of them had 
gathered on the spot. 
The gentleman did not cross the bridge. 



ENGLAND: THE GOVERNMENT 

[London, 14th September, 1914-] 

Why is England involved in this war? 

She went far in agreeing to protect France. But 
that led to no formal declaration of war. 

She is now going farther in the fulfilment of her 
treaty to protect Belgium and about that there was 
indeed a formal belligerent statement. 

But, treaty or no treaty, England is really at war, 
I believe, because she could not sit with folded arms 
and see a small, next-door neighbor oppressed. 

From her enviably insular vantage-point, England 
always takes a wide view of any continental situation. 
She enjoys a peculiarly proper perspective. It is true, 
that she does not always act wisely upon it, as, for in- 
stance, in the cases of Denmark, the Crimean War, 
Armenia. But she generally does. 

Hence, England was not blinded by the immediate 
cause of the present conflagration. She did not 
minimize the far-reaching effect of the murder at 
Sarajevo of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir 

116 



ENGLAND: THE GOVERNMENT I17 

to the Austrian throne. She knew that the murder 
struck at the very heart of the Dual Monarchy. 

But the conflagration had had other causes — causes 
to be found as far back as the Prussian seizure of 
Schleswig (1864), as the Italian redemption of Venetia 
(1866), as the Franco-German war (1870), as the 
Russo-French mutual-aid society (1875), as the Rus- 
sian resentment at the action of the Congress of Berlin 
(1878), as the Austro-German alliance (1879), ^-s the 
Triple Alliance (1882), as Bismarck's fall (1890), as 
the Anglo-French Entente (1904) and as the Anglo- 
Russian Entente (1907). 

So much for the causes of the conflagration in 
general. As to the particular countries involved — 
Servia, Austria, Russia, Germany, France, Belgium — 
England has really cherished few illusions. Her 
geographical position, added to that poise in her best 
statesmen, which prevents their being swept off their 
feet, gives to her a peculiar advantage in dealing with 
the nations of Europe. They have been to her, like 
the inhabitants of so many rooms in a house, the wall 
of which has suddenly fallen down, leaving the occu- 
pants of the various chambers exposed in all their 
simplicity of action or intrigue. 

In Servia, for instance, England sees a small but 
energetic state. In it regicide seems a profession. Its 
poUcy for a decade has been, by methods of con- 



U8 THE WORLD WAR 

spiracy and assassination, to wrest from Austria- 
Hungary all the Serb lands in her dominions. 

In Austria-Hungary England beholds a power 
which, as an offset for the loss of Venetia, had long 
been looking southward, expecting to develop the 
region from her boundary to the yEgean port of 
Salonika. But this hope had recently been disap- 
pointed, first by the plan of Servian transportation 
East-and-West, instigated by Russia, and, second, by 
the expansion of Servian territory, the result of the 
Balkan wars of 191 2 and 19 13. And now was added 
the murder of the heir to the Austrian throne, alleged 
to have been committed by Servian agents. Could 
Austrian foreign policy, often ill-advised, be trusted to 
treat with this trying situation? 

In Russia, England sees the only Great Power in 
Europe standing for a retrograde, autocratic and 
despotic civilization, as shown by the Cossack with 
his whip, by the Jewish pogrom, above all, by the 
smothering of rights solemnly assured by successive 
Tsars to the Finns. Of what greater value then, is 
Russia's promise, after this conflagration breaks out, 
to revive the Kingdom of Poland, which she destroyed 
in the eighteenth century? The move is more hkely an 
attempt to incite Austrian and Prussian Poland to 
rise. On the other hand, England does not forget 
that the present Tsar proposed a Peace Conference at 



ENGLAND: THE GOVERNMENT 1 19 

The Hague and that Russia is the recognized head of 
the Slav nations. To the British the value of these 
facts cannot be changed by unjustifiable aggressions, 
by Russia in the Far East, not even by Russia's prac- 
tical transformation of North Persia into a Russian 
province — consequent upon the Anglo-Russian En- 
tente itself! Britons also take note of the fact that the 
Entente has somewhat overcome anti-British senti- 
ment in Russia, but that anti-German sentiment has 
been increasingly evident since Bismarck's fall from 
power in 1890; indeed, it was evident enough in 1872 
when, by the Dreikaiserbund, he united Russia, Ger- 
many, and Austria; in 1888, however, when William 11. 
became Emperor^ Germany's poHcy became ever 
more closely in touch with Austria's and propor- 
tionately less with Russia's. 

In Germany England sees a Power which has made 
strides second to none in the domains of philosophy, 
science, art. Germany's advance in trade has also 
latterly been prodigious, not only at home but in many 
parts of the world where German commerce has out- 
distanced British commerce — even in the British 
Colonies themselves. German manufactures have 
come into such competition with the British as in 
certain instances successfully to invade its very home 
market. German passenger steamers between Europe 
and America have been doing a larger business than 



I20 THE WORLD WAR 

have the British. In short, Germany has made the 
greatest proportionate progress in material prosperity 
ever achieved by any nation. But, hardest of all for 
Britons to bear is the fact that the German naval ad- 
vance has severely tested the resources of the British 
Navy in maintaining a British sixty per cent, superior- 
ity over any other. The aggressive building of a great 
German navy could of course not be ignored by the 
mistress of the seas. One reason for a greater German 
Navy was to protect German colonies, the chief of 
which was to be that in Asia Minor. To this end the 
development southward of Germany's ally, Austria, 
was all to the benefit of such colonial ambition. Thus 
Germany had an additional reason to stand alongside 
her ally at the time of the Bosnian annexation. In 
Germany England also beholds a Power which has 
practically doubled its population since the Franco- 
German war, while that of France has stood still. 
Germany needs room for expansion. Finally, in Ger- 
many England sees for the most part a powerful 
bureaucracy Hmiting individual Hberty. Germany, 
England thinks, would impose her organization on 
the rest of the world by force, no matter how any 
other nations might want to maintain their in- 
dividual institutions. In particular, England fears 
that the Pan Germans, in their dream of world domin- 
ion, would supplant the British Empire, with its popu- 



ENGLAND: THE GOVERNMENT 121 

lar institutions, by the rigid undemocratic Prussian 
system now fastened upon the German Empire. 

In France, England now beholds a preux chevalier. 
The history of modern France with America, Greece, 
Italy, shows how she has, from time to time, defended 
the cause of smaller states. But England also beholds 
a Power with whom, during the last generation, she 
has been at very close range, first in a friendly way, 
then in an unfriendly, and, finally, in a friendly way 
again. In the common exercise of financial and 
economic authority in Egypt, England and France 
had worked hand in hand. Then came the Arabi 
rebellion. It was necessary to display the mailed fist. 
The French Government refused to work with the 
English. The English accompHshed their task alone 
and France remained in a condition of pout for twenty- 
two years ! At first there were ominous signs that the 
French were not going to remain satisfied with mere 
diplomatic dealings, and yet, by their increasing in- 
terest in another part of Africa, the French were to be 
brought to a full recognition of England's present posi- 
tion in Egypt. Never cherishing any illusions as to 
French frailties of temperament, the EngHsh did 
conclude with France an entente which has nobly 
stood the test of time. 

Finally, in Belgium, England sees a little country, 
but proportionately the most populous, wealthy 



122 THE WORLD WAR 

and industrious in Europe. In Caesar's time it 
was one of the parts of Gaul. When Holland attained 
an acknowledged independence in 1648, Belgium was 
known as the Spanish Netherlands, and in the eight- 
eenth century, as the Austrian Netherlands, In 181 5, 
however, Holland, confirmed by the Powers, received 
the Austrian Netherlands back into the Dutch fold 
and the new kingdom was known as the United 
Netherlands. In 1830 Belgium revolted, and in 1831 
and 1839, at London, were framed the treaties guaran- 
teeing Belgian neutrality which have formed the 
cause of England's going to war. To England Belgium 
herself means no more, indeed, I think, not as much 
as does Holland. But, when one speaks of Belgium 
nowadays, one thinks of Treaty and that is what Eng- 
land, from her vantage point, recognizes as Belgium's 
present significance to the world. 

England has thus a detached, all-round view of 
European past history and present poUtics. Her 
Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, has steadily 
aimed, not only to compose immediate quarrels, on 
the Continent, whenever he could, whether racial 
or territorial or commercial, but, if possible, to remove 
the roots themselves of certain evils. What is now 
about to be written, therefore, is for the most part a 
eulogy of one of the great men of our time. 

Sir Edward's aim was particularly evident at the 



ENGLAND: THE GOVERNMENT 1 23 

end of 191 2, at the Congress held in London, to settle 
the Balkan dispute. His statesmanlike compromise 
pacified both Austria and Servia — and, for Servia, 
read Russia! The partial mobilizations of Russia 
and Austria were thus not increased to general mob- 
ilization, and the German Chancellor's generous praise 
of Sir Edward Grey was well in place: 

Europe will feel grateful to the English Foreign Minister 
for the extraordinary ability and conciliatory spirit with 
which he has conducted the discussions of the ambassadors 
in London and which constantly enabled him to bridge 
over difficulties. 

When the present conflict began. Sir Edward Grey's 
efforts for peace were no less clever and strenuously 
urged, as was their due. And yet, despite them, some 
critics, roundly condemning Austria and Germany, in 
more mildly condemning the others, do not leave Eng- 
land entirely untouched. 

Because, to go no further back, when the issue be- 
tween Austria and Servia became acute, during the 
Bosnian annexation crisis, England, in the opinion of 
such critics, should have made a stiffer stand against 
Austria. 

Because, in the Servian crisis of 19 14, when Russia 
said to England: ''We assume that you will not delay 
definitely to take your stand by the side of Russia," 
England did not commit herself by taking sides. In- 



124 THE WORLD WAR 

stead, she said that "it would be difficult to keep out 
if the war became general." (British White Paper, 6.) 
As a member of the Triple Entente, however, Russia 
must have surmised that England would eventually 
be found on the Russian side and hence may have felt 
that England was in a sense behind her when she 
crossed the German frontier. 

But England did express the hope that Russia 
would not precipitate war by mobilizing. The Rus- 
sian reply was the expression of a disbehef that Ger- 
many really wanted war, and the expression of a 
belief that Germany's attitude would be decided by 
England's and that if the British took their stand 
firmly with the Russians, there would be no war. Eng- 
land thereupon gave Russia a piece of advice which, if 
taken, might have prevented war. As we have seen, he 
warned that, if Russia mobilized, Germany would 
not be content with mere mobilization or give Russia 
time to carry out hers, but would probably declare 
war at once. (British White Paper, 17.) 

This was exactly what happened. Russia was thus 
amply counselled in time and the particular English 
service in this direction should not be forgotten. 

After the failure of the proposition to hold the Four- 
Power Conference, proposed by him, Sir Edward 
Grey thus summed up his efforts in that direc- 
tion: 



ENGLAND: THE GOVERNMENT 1 25 

The German Government had said that they were fa- 
vorable in principle to mediation between Russia and Aus- 
tria if necessary. They seemed to think the particular 
method of conference, consultation or discussion, or even 
conversations a quatre in London too formal a method. I 
urged that the German Government should suggest any 
method by which the influence of the four Powers could 
be used together to prevent war between Austria and 
Russia. France agreed, Italy agreed. The whole idea of 
mediation or mediating influence was ready to be put into 
operation by any method that Germany could suggest if 
mine was not acceptable. In fact, mediation was ready 
to come into operation by any method that Germany 
thought possible if only Germany would press the button 
in the interests of peace. (British White Paper, 84.) 

Sir Edward Grey had explained that his idea was not 
arbitration but a private and informal discussion 
(British White Paper, 67), and the suggestion had been 
put before Count Berchtold, Austrian Foreign Minis- 
ter, who replied that Austria must decline any sug- 
gestion of negotiations on the basis of the Servian 
reply, nor could Austria accept the idea that a Four- 
Power Conference should take place among the less 
interested Powers on this subject. (British White 
Paper, Despatch 62.) 

Sir Edward begged for special German mediation 
to induce Austria to consider the Servian answer, as 
sufficient, despite the fact that three days before 
Austria had declared the Servian answer to be in- 



126 THE WORLD WAR 

sufficient and had withdrawn her Ambassador from 
Belgrade. Germany transmitted the request to 
Austria, but Austria replied that the English sugges- 
tion had arrived too late, hostilities having already 
been begun. (German White Book, Exhibit i6.) 

Learning that Austria had declined Russia's sug- 
gestion that the Austrian Ambassador at St. Peters- 
burg should discuss the conflict directly with the 
Russian Foreign Minister, Sir Edward Grey declared 
that '^if the question became one between Austria 
and Russia we should not feel called upon to take a 
hand in it." He added : 

It would then be a question of the supremacy of Teuton 
or Slav — a struggle for supremacy in the Balkans; and our 
idea has always been to avoid being drawn into a war over 
a Balkan question. (British White Paper, 87.) 

But this was apparently not believed at St. Peters- 
burg for, according to the official Norddeutsche All- 
gemeine Zeitung, the Belgian Minister reported to 
his Government of the assurance claimed by Russia 
that Great Britain would take part in a war against 
Germany. (British White Paper, 6.) Be it noted 
that Sir Edward Grey had also said that Germany 
must not be misled '4nto any sense of false security." 
(British White Paper, 87.) 

On the same day the German Chancellor had made 
a bid for English neutrality. (British White Paper, 



ENGLAND: THE GOVERNMENT 1 27 

85.) Despite his constant attempts at peace, Sir 
Edward Grey showed himself no peace-at-any-price 
man. He replied as follows : 

His Majesty's Government cannot for a moment enter- 
tain the Chancellor's proposal that they should bind them- 
selves to neutrality on such terms. 

What he asks us in effect is to engage to stand by while 
French colonies are taken and France is beaten so long as 
Germany does not take French territory as distinct from 
the colonies. 

From the material point of view such a proposal is un- 
acceptable, for France, without further territory in Europe 
being taken from her, could be so crushed as to lose her 
position as a Great Power, and become subordinate to 
German policy. 

Altogether, apart from that, it would be a disgrace for 
us to make this bargain with Germany at the expense of 
France, a disgrace from which the good name of this coun- 
try would never recover. 

The Chancellor also in effect asks us to bargain away 
whatever obligation or interest we have as regards the 
neutrality of Belgium. We could not entertain that bar- 
gain either. 

Having said so much, it is unnecessary to examine 
whether the prospect of a future general neutrality 
agreement between England and Germany offered posi- 
tive advantages sufl&cient to compensate us for tying 
our hands now. We must preserve our full freedom 
to act as circumstances may seem to us to require 
in any such unfavorable and regrettable develop- 
ment of the present crisis as the Chancellor contem- 
plates. 



128 THE WORLD WAR 

You should speak to the Chancellor in the above sense, 
and add most earnestly that the one way of maintaining 
the good relations between England and Germany is that 
they should continue to work together to preserve the 
peace of Europe; if we succeed in this object, the mutual re- 
lations of Germany and England will, I beheve, be ipso 
facto improved and strengthened. For that object His 
Majesty's Government will work in that way with all 
sincerity and good-will. 

And I will say this: If the peace of Europe can be pre- 
served, and the present crisis safely passed, my own en- 
deavor will be to promote some arrangement to which 
Germany could be a party, by which she could be assured 
that no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued 
against her or her allies by France, Russia, and ourselves, 
jointly or separately. (British White Paper, loi.) 

But Sir Edward Grey did not despair even after 
this. The very next day (July 31) he telegraphed to 
Sir Edward Goschen as follows : 

The stumbling-block hitherto has been Austrian mis- 
trust of Servian assurances, and Russian mistrust of 
Austrian intentions with regard to the independence and 
integrity of Servia. It has occurred to me that, in the 
event of this mistrust preventing a solution being found 
by Vienna and St. Petersburgh, Germany might sound 
Vienna, and I would undertake to sound St. Petersburgh, 
whether it would be possible for the four disinterested 
Powers to offer to Austria that they would undertake to 
see that she obtained full satisfaction of her demands on 
Servia, provided that they did not impair Servian sover- 
eignty and the integrity of Servian territory. As your 



ENGLAND: THE GOVERNMENT 1 29 

Excellency is aware, Austria has already declared her will- 
ingness to respect them. Russia might be informed by the 
four Powers that they would undertake to prevent Austrian 
demands going the length of impairing Servian sovereignty 
and integrity. All Powers would of course suspend further 
military operations or preparations. (British White Pa- 
per, III.) 

Later in the day, however, all these pacific pro- 
posals came to an end. 

The German Government stated its discovery that 
Russia had been secretly mobilizing her whole land 
and sea strength, and this of course could only be 
against Germany. (German White Book, 24.) As we 
have seen, Russia had been warned by England, but 
had not heeded the warning. 

Austria and Russia now resumed "conversations." 
Russia declared that, ^'ii Austria consents to stay 
the march of her troops on Servian territory . . . 
Russia undertakes to preserve her waiting attitude!" 
(Russian Orange Book, 67.) On the next day Sir 
Edward Grey telegraphed as follows to Sir Edward 
Goschen at Berlin: 

I still believe that it might be possible to secure peace if 
only a little respite in time can be gained before any Great 
Power begins war. 

The Russian Government has communicated to me the 
readiness of Austria to discuss with Russia and the readi- 
ness of Austria to accept a basis of mediation w^hich is not 



130 THE WORLD WAR 

open to the objections raised in regard to the formula 
which Russia originally suggested. 

Things ought not to be hopeless so long as Austria and 
Russia are ready to converse, and I hope that German 
Government may be able to make use of the Russian 
communications referred to above, in order to avoid ten- 
sion. His Majesty's Government are carefully abstaining 
from any act which may precipitate matters. (British 
White Paper, 131.) 

And also on August i in the same spirit, Sir Edward 
Grey thus informed the British Ambassador at St. 
Petersburg: 

Information reaches me from a most reliable source that 
Austrian Government have informed German Government 
that though the situation has been changed by the mobili- 
zation of Russia they would, in full appreciation of the 
efforts of England for the preservation of peace, be ready 
to consider favorably my proposal for mediation between 
Austria and Servia. The effect of this acceptance would 
naturally be that the Austrian military action against 
Servia would continue for the present, and that the British 
Government would urge upon Russian Government to stop 
the mobilization of troops directed against Austria, in 
which case Austria would naturally cancel those defensive 
mihtary counter-measures in Galicia, which have been 
forced upon Austria by Russian mobilization. You should 
inform Minister for Foreign Affairs and say that if, in the 
consideration of the acceptance of mediation by Austria, 
Russia can agree to stop mobilization, it appears still 
to be possible to preserve peace. (British White Paper, 
13s.) 



ENGLAND: THE GOVERNMENT 131 

Meanwhile the Austrian Government had an- 
nounced that it had no intention to impair the sov- 
ereign rights of Servia or to obtain territorial ag- 
grandizement, and that the door ''had not been 
banged" on all further ''conversations." (British 
White Paper, 137.) 

But the German ultimatum of July 31 and the Rus- 
sian refusal to reply cut all this short and, as we have 
seen, the news of the Russian violation of German ter- 
ritory on August I caused war. (German White Book, 
Exhibits 24, 25, 26.) 

Russia had made no treaty not to violate German 
territory, but Germany had made a treaty not to 
violate Belgian. Moreover this had been in conjunc- 
tion with the other Powers, especially with England, 
a country inspired by the memories of the occasions 
when she tried to protect the small states, for instance, 
Holland, from the tyranny of Philip II. of Spain (1555- 
1598) and of Louis XIV. of France (1643-17 15) and 
again when she protected not only Holland but also 
Piedmont (1796) and Portugal (1807), from the tyranny 
of Napoleon; again, when there were popular British 
agitations in favor of the PoHsh (1772, 1793-5, 1830, 
1863), Italian (1848, i860, 1870), Balkan (1875-6) and 
Finnish (1888-9, iQ^S, 1909, 191 2) national movements. 

And yet England has not always defended the 
rights of smaller states. As she cannot be too self- 



132 THE WORLD WAR 

righteous in reviewing the conquests by which her 
Empire has been built up, so, with the small states 
in particular, she may remember that, in 1652, her 
unfair Navigation Act led to her war with Holland. 
She may also recall her action in this country in the 
wars of 1776 and especially 181 2, when the burning 
of Washington had even less justification than has 
the destruction at Louvain. Nor is her history with 
regard to Denmark in 1807 and again in 1864 above 
reproach. Had she prevented Bismarck from despoil- 
ing Denmark of the province of Schleswig, Germany 
would assuredly have acquired an enduring convic- 
tion of British readiness to espouse the cause of small 
sovereign nations. This conviction would have deep- 
ened with the years and would have indicated abso- 
lutely what England's course would be when Germany 
tore up a treaty concerning Belgium. 

Yet, despite the rough-and-ready conquests that 
have signalized her Empire-making, England is ac- 
customed to count the cost before she signs a treaty. 
Let her example instruct other nations, ours particu- 
larly included, which may feel disposed to enter upon 
all-embracing treaties or which may dare to disregard 
the duties implied under the Hague Convention ! 

Having once signed a treaty, it has been, as a rule, 
England's tradition to honor her own signature. Let 
that be an example too! 



ENGLAND: THE GOVERNMENT 133 

In regard to Treaty obligations, British history in 
general is characterized by Wilham Pitt's statement: 

England will never consent that another country should 
arrogate the power of annulling at its pleasure the political 
system of Europe established by solemn treaty and guar- 
anteed by the consent of the Powders. 

But to return to the question with which we started: 
Why is England involved in this war? Aside from any 
obligation to France, she began it for two reasons: 

First, because of the principle of the protection to 
smaller and neighboring states. 

Second, to compel the fulfilment of a treaty, no 
matter with what state. 

But England now has a third reason, namely, to 
restore to Belgium whatever can be made good of all 
that has been sacrificed. Unless Belgium receives 
redress and an enduring assurance against any recur- 
rence of those wrongs, our progress in the enforce- 
ment of international law has retrograded by so much, 
indeed is gravely menaced. 

Hence England has three reasons for being involved 
in the present war: (i) protection; (2) treaty obliga- 
tion; (3) humanity. 



XI 
ENGLAND: THE PEOPLE 

[London, 21st September, 1^14.] 

As one walks about the streets of London one can- 
not help wondering if the English are taking the war 
seriously enough. 

Especially in viewing London streets in general 
from the top of a 'bus — from Whitechapel to Rich- 
mond, and from the Elephant and Castle to Hamp- 
stead Heath — one realizes more than ever the fact 
that this is indeed a nation of shopkeepers. Every- 
where, a lively business seems to be going on in the 
shops just as usual, though it begins later in the morn- 
ing than in more wide-awake America. Everywhere 
the streets seem just as crowded as ever by shoppers 
and taxicabs. 

Yet in regard to commerce history gives no ex- 
ample, so far as I know, of such a general interruption 
of international intercourse and international trade 
as we are now seeing. 

As far as England is concerned, its outward aspect, 
save in the cotton industry in the North, remains much 
the same as in normal times. But there are great 

134 



ENGLAND: THE PEOPLE 135 

gaps in its commercial life to be made good as far as 
possible. For over half a million of the most able- 
bodied men in the United Kingdom have now been 
withdrawn from their work-a-day Ufe. 

The effect of the war on prices, however, both in 
Germany and England is in general gratifyingly evi- 
dent by its absence. 

At the outbreak of the war I was in Frankfort. 
Some dealers began to put up the prices of food. The 
municipal government thereupon announced that any 
effort by shopkeepers abnormally to raise prices would 
be at once followed by a closing of their shops by the 
police. This was actually carried out in some in- 
stances. A similar course was pursued in other cities. 
According to latest advices, the result has been that 
prices of most foodstuffs have not advanced much in 
Germany. There is as yet no great scarcity of food 
and the Germans anticipate none for a long time to 
come. 

Here, conditions have been similar. This is the 
more remarkable because, while Germany can supply 
herself with grain of one kind or another, four-fifths 
of the British consumption of grain must come over- 
sea. The outlook for the future is also good as to 
prices, indeed, the Agricultural Consultative Com- 
mittee of the British Government has stated that 
there is no logical reason for any inflation of price in 



136 THE WORLD WAR 

any of the more important articles of food with but 
one exception, namely sugar, of which more than half 
of the British supply comes from Germany. 

There has been an increase of price, however, in one 
important commodity, namely, boots and shoes. As 
the war has stopped several sources of supply there 
has been an advance in the cost of leather, and a 
further rise is anticipated. Hence boot and shoe 
manufacturers are unable to use the same quality 
of leather as hitherto except at a higher price. 

In London the effect of the war is seen mostly in 
the building trade. When the war began the labor 
dispute, having involved six months of idleness, had 
just been settled. Building operations had broken 
into widespread activity — as seen by such important 
structures in course of erection as the Government 
Office extension, the London County Hall, the Public 
Trustee Office, the Park Lane and Regent Palace 
Hotels. Alas that much of the work on these build- 
ings should again be checked, this time by the war. 
The check indicates the hold which Germany has ob- 
tained on this particular industry for she supplies to 
England, among other things, girders, cement, window 
glass, electric fittings, ready-made doors and painters' 
colors. 

But, in general, the people of these Isles have been 
wonderfully protected in their trade and industry 



ENGLAND: THE PEOPLE 137 

and especially in their cost of living. Do they fully 
realize what has protected them? Had it not been 
for the weighty if unobtrusive influence of their fleet 
there would be no so-called "free breakfast table" in 
England to-day. 

Consider what the British Navy has already done 
to date. It has inflicted this loss on the Germans: 

It has captured 88 ships with a tonnage of 338,000. 

It has detained in British ports 102 ships with a 
tonnage of about 200,000. 

It has detained in American ports 15 ships with a 
tonnage of 247,000. 

It has detained in the Suez Canal 14 ships with a 
tonnage of 72,000. 

In addition, the AlHes have disposed of 168 ships 
with a tonnage of 283,000. 

There is thus a total of 387 ships with a tonnage of 
1,140,000! 

Whatever the damage — and it is large — done by 
the German Navy to Russia, the damage to England 
is trifling in comparison with what the British Navy 
has been able to accomplish in crippling the Germans. 
Something over a dozen British ships, as reported, 
have so far been sunk by German cruisers. To this 
number must be added 24 British fishing vessels sunk 
by the Germans in the North Sea and from 15 to 20 
British and foreign vessels blown up by mines. 



138 THE WORLD WAR 

The above, however, is by no means a full record 
of the eJGfect of sea power as developed by the greatest 
Sea Power. 

Under the British naval shield English armies, 
trained in England, have proceeded abroad. 

Again, most British merchant vessels have been pur- 
suing their usual avocations much as though a German 
Navy did not exist. 

Hence, whatever has been the cost of the British 
Navy during the past hundred years, it has paid for 
itself several times over, I believe, in keeping down the 
price of food. 

It is reported that Napoleon once said: 

The only way to prevent the Continental Powers from 
bridling you is for England to proceed in her proper sphere 
as an insular Power, possessing the command of the 
sea. . . . Your marine is the real force of your country, 
and one which, while you preserve it, will always render 
you powerful. 

Some years ago, when it was necessary to increase 
the appropriations for the British Navy, there was an 
outcry on the part of Little Englanders, just as, for 
the increase of the American Navy, there has been an 
outcry on the part of Little Americans. Nothing is 
now being said, as far as I know, about the enormous 
cost of the British Navy! English men and especially 
English women, the providers for the homes, are only 



ENGLAND: THE PEOPLE 139 

too glad to think that by this mighty naval protec- 
tion, they are still enabled to live at the old rate. 

But I do not think that this people or any people 
appreciate what it means to be a sailor in these days. 
Every night the EngHsh sailor must cross mine-sown 
seas. Already there have been cases of consequent 
insanity. 

The sinking of three large cruisers by the German 
submarine the other day is regarded here as perhaps the 
most distinctive event of the war so far — a war to be 
distinguished over all that have preceded it by the 
fighting under the water and in the air. Certainly, 
the loss of the three cruisers indicates the growing 
importance and deadHness of the submarines. Mighty 
as is the British Fleet, as it rides the waves, it must 
reckon with an under-sea force possibly mightier still. 

There was no *' possibly" in the view of Admiral 
Sir Percy Scott on this subject as expressed in a letter 
to the London Times last June when he said: ''The 
introduction of the vessels that swim under the water 
has, in my opinion, entirely done away with the utility 
of the ships that swim on the top of the water." Cer- 
tainly the case of the Birmingham, of the Pathfinder, 
of the Hela, and now of the three Cressys support the 
above view. For the submarine is pecuHarly dan- 
gerous for two reasons, first because it is generally 
invisible, and second because of the increased accuracy 



I40 THE WORLD WAR 

and power of its torpedo. The importance of the 
submarine as a menace is being shown by this war 
to be far greater than was ever before appreciated; it 
may be doubted, however, whether it will entirely do 
away "with the utiHty of the ships that swim on the 
topof the water." 

Such events as those to which reference has been 
made ought to be enough to sober anyone and yet — 
though the street lights are lower for fear of Zeppehns 
— by night as well as by day London seems much the 
same. The restaurants, music-halls and theatres are 
all going at full blast — although the Opera House 
is shut — and the general character of the entertain- 
ments offered hardly affords the notion that the whole 
nation is taking the war very seriously. Some twenty 
odd theatres advertise in the Times and Telegraph 
and doubtless double their number do not advertise. 
In the Hst of plays the only very serious soldier-hke 
piece is "Drake." There should be many "Drakes." 
We note the contrast with Munich, where all the 
theatres were closed except four small ones generally 
given over to farces and light comedy; now, however, 
they gave only such very serious and soldier-like 
pieces as "Minna von Barnhelm" and "Wilhelm 
Tell." 

Despite appearances, however, it is hardly possible 
that the seven millions of London men, women and 



ENGLAND: THE PEOPLE 141 

children are going about their ordinary affairs as if 
there were no war — as if the war image had found no 
place for itself in their brains or their hearts. 

One is tempted to think the same about that praise- 
worthy and essentially British feature of life — out- 
door sport, though one observes the holiday crowds on 
the Thames and the sports taking place in the suburbs 
just as at any time. 

Near Twickenham yesterday I saw the golfers at 
play, and the mention of the name golf gives an op- 
portunity of saying that the lovers of this game have 
apparently acted more patriotically with regard to 
recruiting than have the followers of any other sport. 

In the first place, at the outbreak of war, the prin- 
ciple was estabhshed that play by young men who 
could enlist should be discouraged. 

In the second place it was decided that competi- 
tions should be stopped — and the meaning of this 
can be gathered when it is realized that this is the 
first time since the Royal and Ancient Club's Compe- 
titions were established in 1806, that any of them 
have been abandoned. 

In the third place there was the question of the 
caddies. Many clubs not only paid the caddies' rail- 
way fare but gave them bonuses to enlist; I heard of 
one club which offered a £3 bonus to every one of its 
caddies who joined any branch of the Forces. The 



142 THE WORLD WAR 

Royal St. George's Golf Club, where the Champion- 
ship took place last May (one of the two leading Golf 
Clubs in England) has now issued this admirable 
statement with respect to caddies: 

Until further notice no man who is eligible for enrolment 
in the Forces of the country will be employed as a caddie 
on this course, or allowed on the Club property, unless he 
can supply satisfactory evidence that the country will not 
accept his services. 

Only old men and boys now act as caddies at Sand- 
wich! 

The Club is not only looking after the wives and 
families of any of its caddies and servants who may 
have joined the colors, but has also been foremost 
in the movement to put Golf Club houses at the 
disposal of the Army and Navy. As a rule, such 
houses, situated as they are amid open and healthy 
surroundings, having large rooms with ample kitchens 
and excellent sanitary provision, are quite ideal for 
such a purpose. One of the foremost Clubs of the 
London district — that at Stoke Poges — has offered 
to take in 25 convalescent or wounded men right 
away and, what is more, to supply the necessary 
medical staff. 

Would that football might have shown some such 
record. At Stamford Bridge, the other day, when 
Chelsea played Shefheld, a crowd of about 30,000 



ENGLAND: THE PEOPLE 143 

people gathered. It is contended that this very fact 
is reason enough why football should be continued. 
If it were closed down, it is said, much more harm 
than good would result. The good that always re- 
sults is emphasized by the fact that, more than any 
other outdoor game, football helps the participant or 
the onlooker to forget that we are living in grim and 
awful days! As football represents the keenest kind 
of competition it distracts proportionately; it does 
away with the doldrums. Hence the Football Asso- 
ciation has decided to carry through its usual pro- 
gramme for the season. It is a satisfaction to note 
how the Spectator thus comments upon the decision: 

The mere continuance of spectacular football will hold 
under its spell at home hundreds of thousands of young 
men who ought to be in Lord Kitchener's Army. Every 
one of those "sweet little men" (a reference to Holmes's 
verses on those who stay at home though able to go to the 
front) will be a shirker. 

Perhaps the Football Association will also be im- 
pervious to the irony between the Hnes of the answer 
of the Army Council to the Association's letter. In 
the letter the War Office was informed that the As- 
sociation was prepared to request its members to 
stop the playing of matches if the authorities were of 
opinion that such a course was proper. After acknowl- 
edging the Association's proffered assistance in plac- 



144 THE WORLD WAR 

ing football grounds at the disposal of the Army and 
in obtaining recruits, the letter reads : 

The question whether the playing of matches should 
be entirely stopped is more a matter for the discretion of 
the Association. The Council . . . would deprecate any- 
thing being done which does not appear to be called for by 
the present situation. Should your Association decide to 
continue the playing of matches, the Council trust that 
arrangements will be made so as not to interfere with the 
facilities at present afforded to the recruiting authorities. 

The Council also suggest that the Association might take 
all steps in their power to press the need of the country for 
recruits upon spectators who are eligible for enlistment, 
and they would further venture to suggest that some por- 
tion of the gate money might be set aside for the charitable 
relief of the families and dependents of all soldiers and 
sailors who are serving in the present war. 

The Rugby footballers and the Association foot- 
ballers, who are amateurs and not of the class from 
which the professional football recruits are drawn, are 
not to be included in the above. Their men have 
joined the colors and are an example to the country. 
Far different is the example set by the Association 
players. Their men, physically fit, should fight for 
their country, but their employers entrench them- 
selves behind the sanctity of contract. Think of 
several thousand well-trained, plucky men, simply 
kicking footballs about at this time ! 

The same plea — that of decreasing the strain on the 



ENGLAND: THE PEOPLE 145 

nation — has been put forward in regard to the con- 
tinuance of racing. In accordance with the decision 
arrived at by the Jockey Club the autumn season at 
Newmarket opens to-day, as originally arranged. 
Any other decision, we read in the Telegraph, is 
"unthinkable," for in view of the very large number 
of persons dependent upon racing for their HveHhood, 
the interests of the nation showed that such persons 
should be retained, as far as possible, in their usual 
vocations, "as otherwise they might be compelled in 
the near future to apply for relief to funds which will 
be urgently needed for cases of unavoidable dis- 
tress. . . . The stewards and members of the Jockey 
Club have a duty to fulfil. They have discharged it in 
the best possible way and a vast community is grate- 
ful to them." 

Why not say frankly that many men prefer to 
play at home rather than fight abroad? 

If the above is true of the great popular sports, it 
is also true of the more individual out-of-door amuse- 
ments. Everyone knows that the English excel all 
the world in the hunting field, but not all were pre- 
pared to read Sir Evelyn Wood's appeal to the Masters 
of Hounds not to stop hunting, — on the ground that 
hunting is a very important training for British 
officers, the very dash of British cavalry being attrib- 
utable to it. This is, of course, one of the causes of 



146 THE WORLD WAR 

British cavalry dash. But there is hunting and shoot- 
ing to do for Britons on the Continent rather than in 
England just now ! 

The Enghsh are not, as some Germans like to claim, 
mere commercialists and materialists, existing only 
for trade and sport. Like the Germans they exist 
also for social and religious service. 

First, social. The English or the German munici- 
pality, in its social and civic work is lessoning the 
world, and not only from the standpoint of efficient 
organization. The underlying spirit and attitude are 
equally admirable. The adjective to describe this 
spirit would be in English, *' cheerful"; in German, 
gemiithlich. 

One notices the note of cheerfulness all through the 
social work of England. One notices it first of all in 
the endeavors for reform and justice made by the 
Labor Parties — for there are now two, the Laborites, 
pure and simple, and the Independent Laborites, the 
latter led by Ramsay Macdonald, M. P., formerly 
the leader of all the Laborites in Parliament. 

This contagious cheerfulness has also to do with 
the success of such endeavors as those of Toynbee 
Hall and the People's Palace, and especially with the 
endeavors made to relieve the wounded and the 
needy because of the present war. Chief among 
these endeavors is, of course, the British Red Cross. 



ENGLAND: THE PEOPLE 147 

In this connection one might add that the women of 
England, by their efl&cient committee work in many- 
directions, have proved their fitness for the ballot, 
in a far more compelling way than that shown by 
Mrs. Pankhurst and her followers. 

Of course the cheerfulness is evident in the Salva- 
tion Army work, whether social or religious. Last 
Sunday I went to the Army Headquarters at Clapton 
Common in the northeast of London where the social 
side is strongly to the fore in the neighboring build- 
ings devoted to "The Training School for Women,'' 
"The Mothers Hospital" and other similar works. 

The note of cheerfulness is also evident in dis- 
tinctly rehgious work, of course in that of the Church 
Army under the direction of Prebendary Carlile, in 
Billingsgate; also at Oxford House and in the labors 
of "The Brothers of the Divine Compassion" in 
the Whitechapel district; and at Rowntree Clifford's 
Mission in West Ham. EngHsh clergymen are not 
all ascetic and pre-Raphaelite looking ! Most of them 
are hardy looking, sometimes they are decidedly 
thick-set Hke the traditional John Bull. And gener- 
ally they are cheerful. 

The question is now being widely discussed as to 
whether the clergy should enlist. So far as the clergy 
of the Church of England are concerned, the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury as Primate of that Church says: 



148 THE WORLD WAR 

"The position ?aid duties of a combatant are not ap- 
propriate in the case of one who has received Holy 
Orders." Nonconformists do not all agree. A num- 
ber of their ministers are joining the recruits, be- 
lieving that they are not betraying a higher trust 
but are playing the man. This, however, they do 
without the sKghtest criticism of other clergymen who 
feel that they must confine themselves to their spirit- 
ual functions. The question is increasingly being dis- 
cussed, however, as to whether the clergyman who 
faces death along with his fellow soldiers may not com- 
mend the message of Christ with a unique power. 

But this discussion impresses the American in 
London very little compared with the daily impression 
he obtains from the multitude of services every noon 
for intercessory prayer. The services are attended by 
many devout people, and it is always evident that 
among them some mother, sister, wife, sweetheart, has 
one particular soldier at the front for whom she is 
praying. No one can be insensible to this appeal to 
the deepest emotions of the soul. While, in every 
country involved, such appeals are being addressed to 
the Almighty, the very large number of places for 
prayer here in England seems suddenly to have been 
emphasized. Outside the church there is this legend, 
to inspire those, even, who are mere passers-by and 
who do not enter the sanctuary. 



ENGLAND: THE PEOPLE 149 

A CALL TO PRAYER 
AT 12 NOON EVERY DAY 

REMEMBER IN PRAYER 

THE KING AND ALL IN AUTHORITY 

OUR SAILORS, SOLDIERS, AND ALLIES, 

THE SUFFERING, THE ANXIOUS, 

THE SORROWFUL. 

"The Lord our God be with us, as He was with our 
fathers." 

As to the causes of war, when facts become known 
praise and blame will be more evenly meted out among 
all the nations. But, as one cannot now live in Ger- 
many without realizing that the people believe them- 
selves engaged in a war of defence, so one cannot now 
live in England without reaHzing that the people be- 
lieve themselves engaged in defending the rights of 
the small nations. 

In their respective aims, the two peoples are ani- 
mated by a sincere fervor and conviction. 

However fundamental the aims, the war may break 
of its weight. The horror which it has created may 
ensure peace. 

The result of this war will be social as much as 
strategical. In Germany there will come in time a 
keener appreciation of what English social and 



150 THE WORLD WAR 

parliamentary progress means. In England there 
will be a greater recognition of what has been ac- 
complished in Germany, especially in the direction 
of self-respecting, so-called State Socialism. Each 
should modify and influence the other to their mutual 
advantage. As to measures of military defence, in 
both countries, especially in this, there must be a 
keener appreciation of organization and discipline. 
And that means, not merely a clever plan and stick- 
ing to your plan. The lazy nation, like the lazy man, 
will be sent to the rear. 

But first have a good principle underlying the 
plan! 

In one respect the German and EngHsh peoples 
are aHke, namely, in the way in which they receive 
the tidings of war, whether of victories or defeats. 
In both nations the underlying attitude is one of 
dogged, unruffled equanimity resting on a genuine 
social conscience and religious trust. 

Admirable as this is, it is also the grimmest thing 
about the whole war. For it means determination. 
The temper of these two peoples, the English and the 
German, is such that no effort and no sacrifice will 
be too much until each shah have finished that to 
which each has set its hand. 

Whatever their governments may do or leave un- 
done, and whatever the physical results of the war 



ENGLAND: THE PEOPLE 151 

may be, these nations, as apart from their govern- 
ments, are too sincere ever to allow themselves to 
suffer spiritual defeat. Such peoples realize that 
Japanese legend of the heroes who never die; though 
their bodies fall, the multitude of their souls con- 
tinues the assault. It is a crime that such peoples 
cannot always be united. Why should not America 
unite them and stand with them to preserve the 
world's peace? 



XII 

THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 

I. The English Press 

[London, 2gth September, 1914.] 

Atrocities have now happened, committed not by 
half -crazed Belgian civilians, but by German soldiers. 
Unfortunately, however, the stories have excited the 
reporters and editors of English newspapers to an 
unnatural pitch. News is printed which often turns 
out to be mere rumor. 

For instance, the other night the Fall Mall Gazette 
and the Westminster Gazette had a detailed report 
of a revolting atrocity in Belgium. It related to an 
EngHsh nurse, alleged to have been killed by Germans 
with bestial cruelty. The following night the papers 
stated that the story was a hoax, that the nurse in 
question was actually in England and had never been 
in Belgium! 

The affair shows the need to confirm all reported 
facts. An EngHsh statesman said the other day: *'I 
do not believe three-quarters of the stories I see about 
atrocities. Some of them may be straight lies. More 

152 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 1 53 

are probably due to an unhinged mind." This is 
doubtless true, but the trouble is that the publication 
of every rumor makes the confiding reader feel that 
all the stories of atrocities may be true. 

While rendering great service, both in reporting 
and in interpreting war news, the English newspapers 
sometimes disappoint their readers, even more than 
do the German papers because one expects more of 
the EngHsh Press than of any other. 

First, on the reportorial side, American readers do 
not expect to find misstatements in British news- 
papers. And yet, in the London Times for Septem- 
ber 4th (the EngHsh having had full command of cable 
agencies and the German none) we read : 

German news gets a long start of the more sober and 
veracious British intelligence. 

And in the London Daily News of the same date : 

Her [Sweden's] interest in Finland is limited to an in- 
tenser form of that desire shared by every free people to 
see the Finnish people free and happy under the Russian 
Crown. 

Or this from the London Spectator of September 4th: 

The afiSnity of Englishmen to Russians is natural, and 
cannot be suppressed. 

Or this from Truth of September 2d: 

In a fortnight the Cossacks should be knocking at the 
gates of Berlin. 



154 THE WORLD WAR 

Or this remarkable adverb from the London Times 
of September 4th: 

Their [the German] losses infinitely outnumber the 
casualties among the Allies. 

At a later date the Times announces : 

The whole structure (of Rheims Cathedral) has been 
wrecked. 

On October 3d the Saturday Review makes the 
following announcement: 

That England is an enemy to be destroyed by war is 
a maxim now accepted by the whole German people. We 
are not fighting a few Prussian ofl&cers and bureaucrats. 
We are fighting a furious nation, of one mind and heart. 

And why should the London Telegraph of Septem- 
ber 20th print the title ''German Hypocrisy" above 
the following doubtless sincere announcement: 

Fifty members of the Reichstag, Privy Councillors, and 
other members of the German Centre party have addressed 
to the Cardinals a pamphlet containing an ardent plea for 
the German cause. It declares that for forty years Ger- 
many has been the apostle of peace in Europe, and that 
she was compelled to go to war to defend her territory and 
that of Austria. It was, they say, the schismatic Russians 
who desired war. The Cardinals are requested to act as 
agents of the truth among the nations. 

Now the English case is strong enough in all con- 
science. Why compromise it by misstatements, either 
in text or title? 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 155 

Or why compromise it by making caricature take 
the place of cartoon, as has Punch recently — Punch 
generally so admirable — showing the Kaiser as he is 
not! As the eloquent preacher, the Rev. F. C. Spurr, 
said yesterday: "That's un-EngHsh; that's hitting be- 
low the belt." 

On the other hand, one often notices an effort to be 
fair in reporting the news. An evidence in this direc- 
tion — and, as well, a fine example of reportorial enter- 
prise, — is the column published daily by the London 
Times and entitled "Through German Eyes"; in it 
various bits of news and opinion are translated from 
German journals. 

On the reportorial side, however, English papers 
have to struggle with the Censor. They are complain- 
ing about this. They are, they say, not treated fairly. 
The censorship suppressed, they assert, any mention 
of General von Hindenburg's victory over the Rus- 
sians in East Prussia and the news only reached Eng- 
land through a casual letter printed in a provincial 
newspaper. Says the London Daily News: 

Our own correspondents' accounts of the fall of the 
Li^ge forts were held up in London for days after the 
facts had been published both in Dutch and in German 
papers; on the other hand, other messages describing the 
heroic resistance of the fallen forts were passed, unchecked, 
on to an unsuspecting British public who alone in Europe 
was unaware that the resistance of which they were read- 



156 THE WORLD WAR 

ing had ended days before. All newspapers are anxious 
to co-operate with the Censor in the national interest. 
But we do desire very earnestly to urge that there are 
dangers in a censorship which irritates neutrals unneces- 
sarily and conceals from the British public what is known 
to the rest of the world. 

The same journal thus protests against the suppres- 
sion of the war correspondent : 

At the beginning of the war the Government devised 
a method of reconciling the nation's just demands wdth 
military interests, by accepting a list of war correspond- 
ents. These were to be under the control of a Press officer, 
and all their messages were to be censored before dis- 
patch. They have bought horses, engaged servants, ob- 
tained equipment, and made all necessary arrangements. 
Two months of war have passed, but they have not been 
allowed to cross the seas. . . . The point of view of the 
public is that all news of the war should be published wdiich 
is not injurious to military interests. That is not due 
simply to an idle curiosity, but it is a mere act of justice 
to our soldiers who are fighting so gallant and so arduous 
a fight, and to the nation at home which must sustain 
the struggle by sacrifices of money, and, as they are needed, 
of men. To keep the nation instructed is, therefore, as 
proper if not as important a part of strategy as to keep 
the ranks of our forces at full strength. 

The papers, however, are not protesting so much 
because of particular facts as because of the general 
official attitude. As Mr. Arnold Bennett declares, 
this attitude discloses the same defect of mind which 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 1 57 

makes Bernhardi's book such really comic reading 
just now — an incapacity imaginatively to understand 
human nature. 

Now doubtless the War Office of such a country as 
Russia has a natural relation to the reactionary poli- 
cies of autocracy and has, as well, forced militarism 
on other countries. Doubtless the Russian War 
Office deems the Russian pubHc purely infantile. 
Yet the British War Office may consider the intelK- 
gent British pubKc more or less infantile in all that 
concerns military strategy. Doubtless too the British 
War Office is kindly, not harshly, disposed and thinks 
that under any circumstances the public's nerves 
ought to be spared. The main reasons, however, why 
the authorities in any country do not want to tell all 
they know are doubtless first because they do not 
want to admit that their machine is not always tri- 
umphant, and second because, if they did admit it, 
the news would be taken advantage of by the enemy. 

In its re-transmission of news, the censorship af- 
fects us in America. We have been deprived of direct 
cables from Germany. No one disputes the right 
of the British authorities to refuse to allow any mes- 
sages from Germany to be forwarded to America over 
their Hues. But — and this is a big but — does not such 
refusal indicate that the British would not only deprive 
America of receiving any communications from Ger- 



158 THE WORLD WAR 

many, but also that they will allow only such infor- 
mation concerning Germany as can filter through, 
colored by their Censor. Concerning the protest from 
America the London Daily News says : 

The reason of this outburst is not that news is sup- 
pressed — Americans generally are sensible and practical 
people perfectly aware that some news must be suppressed 
in war time — ^but that articles which can have no sort of 
military importance are censored for no other reason than 
that they give the views of the Allies' opponents. The 
Censorship, that is to say, has extended its sway from the 
supervision of reports of facts, where it is or may be legiti- 
mate, to that of expressions of opinions and fancies where 
it is unprofitable to intervene. 

Now as to the editorial side of EngHsh newspapers. 
Here too there were certain miscalculations before 
the war began. Perhaps the principal one was the 
theory that because the German Sociahsts in the 
Reichstag, no strong and the largest body in that 
Parhament, had defied the Kaiser, therefore they 
would not fight under the Kaiser ! 

In the next place, as to rehgion, pubHc opinion here 
has too long been fed by papers hke the British Weekly y 
with which everything German seems anathema. To 
such papers the very name Germany is apparently 
only a synonym for rationaHsm. 

Again, practically every English editor found in the 
name Nietzsche a synonym for German philosophy. 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 1 59 

in the name Treitschke a synonym for German politi- 
cal ideals, and in the name Bernhardi a synonym for 
German military ideals. Yet has any one of these men 
affected more than one class in the Fatherland? — in- 
deed, Nietzsche seems both disHked and despised by 
most Germans, and no German writer of the same 
class, it is held, not even Hauptmann, has been as 
much affected by him as has been the Russian, Merejs- 
kowsky. 

As the war progressed, most editors seemed to be 
agreed as to the following conclusions: 

1. Prussian militarism is striving to set its heel on the 
whole of Europe. 

2. England, France, Russia, Belgium, and Servia have 
thrown their forces into the field in resistance. 

3. German victory might mean the absorption of Hol- 
land, Belgium, and the northern parts of France into the 
vast German Empire. 

4. It would also mean the ultimate disappearance of the 
British mercantile marine from the seas. 

5. It might mean the loss of South Africa and India. 

6. It might even result in the absorption of the British 
Isles into the German Empire. 

7. Before that could come about England might have 
to witness the scenes at Louvain repeated at Canterbury 
or Cambridge and English villages would have the same 
tale to tell of murdered women and children and old men as 
Belgian villages have told. 

With these conclusions in mind, English editors 
sometimes ride roughshod over little neutral Holland. 



l6o THE WORLD WAR 

As to this, the London Evening News (not to be con- 
founded with the London Daily News, a morning 
paper) thus declares: 

It is urgently necessary that all correspondence with 
Holland should be opened by the Post Office authorities, 
and all goods consigned from America, which might be 
used by the enemy, should be held in this country. 

As to revenge, though Field Marshal Sir Evelyn 
Wood has said: "There is no fear that our soldiers 
will ever descend to reprisals," of what avail is this 
if another high authority, as is reported, instructs 
British soldiers to keep from such deeds, as long as they 
remain in France and Belgium! 

As in Germany there are those who would wipe 
out the British Empire entirely, so there are those 
here who would wipe out the German Empire and 
who counsel the crushing of Germany for good and 
aU. 

It is a satisfaction therefore to find this protest in 
the London Times: 

To crush the Germans as a whole we must either kill 
them all or occupy their countries permanently. . . . We 
have to draw the teeth of this Prussian monster, to humble 
a military caste, and to leave Prussia herself at peace 
with the constitution which she has so long sought in 
vain. In these reasonable aims we shall sooner or later 
have large sections of the German people with us, and our 
ends can then be more quickly attained. But to kill or 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS l6l 

everlastingly to police a nation of 60 millions of people is 
an extravagant proposition, and in war one must aim at 
what is attainable and not the reverse. 

Especially fine is the London Church Times with 
regard to reprisals: 

The war must not be allowed to degenerate into a mean- 
ingless struggle for mastery. That would be to fall into 
the worst faults of those among our enemies who prepared 
and forced on the war. Our contention is the exact reverse 
of their doctrine that force is the main reality in human 
affairs, and mastery the main thing to be sought by men or 
by nations. We are in the field to resist that doctrine. 

A ghmmering of the truth of this seems to be leading 
some German minds. England has never received a finer 
compliment than was paid unconsciously the other day by 
the North German Gazette in the remark that it was impos- 
sible to see what vital interests of the British Empire made 
it necessary for us to go to war. . . . There were no such 
vital interests at stake as the modern German philosophy 
understands. 

We went to war, frankly and openly, for a "scrap of 
paper" with our plighted word on it, and for the defence 
of the weak against the strong. This being our purpose, 
it is right to announce that we intend, God allowing it, to 
go on fighting until an effective lesson has been taught the 
breaker of treaties and the bully of nations. If it be 
thought that no lesson can be effective which does not in- 
volve a serious crippling of the enemy's power, then that 
must be the object in view. The object may be avowed. 

But the avowal should be accompanied by a modest 
acknowledgment that under the providential ruling of the 
world we may have to be content with a less briUiant 



1 62 THE WORLD WAR 

triumph, and a politic admission that a less drastic treat- 
ment may be found sufl&cient. 

To meditate the gratuitous humiliation of a great people 
or a mere demonstration of our own power and glory 
would be to imitate the worst faults of our foes and to 
prepare for ourselves that recoil of outraged feeling, which 
in the long run proved fatal to the insatiable ambition of 
Napoleon. 

Perhaps the most picturesque diatribe has come 
from Mr. Frederic Harrison. He writes thus to the 
London Times: 

Be it understood that when the allies have finally 
crushed this monstrous brood, the Kaiser — if, indeed, 
he chose to survive — shall be submitted to the degradation 
inflicted on poor Dreyfus. In presence of allied troops, 
let his bloodstained sword be broken on his craven back 
and the uniform and orders of which he is so childishly 
proud be stamped in the mire. And if he lives through it, 
St. Helena or the Devil's Island might be his prison and his 
grave. 

To this the London Spectator replies: 

We have no objection to a little rhetoric, but here is a 
specific suggestion for committing a bombastic and theatri- 
cal personal outrage such as our forefathers, thank heaven, 
absolutely refused to allow in the case of a worse sinner, 
the Emperor Napoleon. Remember, too, how, when 
Bliicher wanted to blow up the Pont de J^na, and had 
actually mined it for the purpose, Wellington baulked him 
by putting a British sentry on the bridge and daring him 
to blow the gallant fellow into smithereens. Again, re- 
member how John Lawrence met the wild proposals for 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 1 63 

fantastic vengeance made to him during and after the 
Mutiny. He would have none of them on any condition. 
But if these reasons are not sufficient for condemning Mr. 
Frederic Harrison's outburst, surely he might remember 
that we have not yet beaten the Kaiser. 

The main fact to be borne in mind in this country 
is that England's claim is the noble claim of fighting 
the fight of civilization against an excess of militarism. 
If this is really to be the fight of civilization there 
must be self-control shown in the repression of any 
desire for reprisals. Indeed, the British Government 
would be well advised, I think, if it instructed its 
troops in the direction of prohibiting any acts of ini- 
tiative vengeance. 

On the other hand, both reportorially and editorially 
there is often a distinct effort on the part of certain 
English journals to give a comprehensive picture, 
not only of the war but of opinion about the war. 
For instance, the other day the London Times's 
Washington correspondent reported the rejoinder of 
Herr Dernburg to England's invitation to the United 
States to ''come in" and get a share of the trade of 
ruined Germany, Herr Dernburg saying that the 
invitation had been made "because Great Britain, 
with her usual perfidy, wishes to get the United States 
to take sides, so that America will not be able to act 
as mediator, and the war may thus be prolonged." 



164 THE WORLD WAR 

As the correspondent frankly admits, "Herr Dernburg 
has cleverly availed himself of the weak spot in 
our armor. The suggestion that the United States 
should come in and share the commercial spoils of 
war should never have been made and ought not to 
be repeated." Equally candid is the Westminster 
Gazette. It says: 

Herr Dernburg is decidedly the most clever of the special 
pleaders for Germany in the United States. He has been 
dealing in the New York Sun with the suggestion that 
America should share in the process of picking up the trade 
lost to Germany. Obviously, as he hints, there would be 
more trade to pick up by the outsiders if the Allies were 
defeated. This is a clever turning of the tables upon a 
suggestion that had been better left unspoken. 

This same spirit of fairness also animates the highest 
authorities in military and civil life. Let us take the 
miHtary first as revealed by General Sir John French's 
report: 

The Germans are a formidable enemy. Well trained, 
long prepared, and brave, their soldiers are carrying on the 
contest with skill and valor. Nevertheless, they are 
fighting to win anyhow, regardless of all the rules of fair- 
play, and there is evidence that they do not hesitate at 
anything in order to gain victory. A large number of the 
tales of their misbehavior are exaggerations, and some of 
the stringent precautions they have taken to guard them- 
selves against the inhabitants of the areas traversed are 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 1 65 

possibly justifiable measures of war. But at the same 
time it has been definitely established that they have com- 
mitted atrocities on many occasions, and they have been 
guilty of brutal conduct. 

In civil life, a notable example of fairness was that 
of Sir Edward Grey's speech of August 3d in the 
House of Commons. Though standing for the policy 
of rigidly supporting Belgian neutrality, and though 
doubtless surmising that it would be used against 
him by the Labor Party (as it was), he nevertheless 
quoted Mr. Gladstone's elastic opinion on the sub- 
ject. Mr. Gladstone had spoken as follows: 

I am not able to subscribe to the doctrine of those who 
have held in this House what plainly amounts to the 
assertion that the simple fact of the existence of a guaranty 
is binding on every party to it irrespectively altogether of 
the particular position in which it may find itself at the 
time when the occasion for acting on the guaranty arises. 
The great authorities upon foreign policy to whom I have 
been accustomed to listen, such as Lord Aberdeen and 
Lord Palmerston, never to my knowledge took that rigid, 
and if I may venture to say so, that impracticable view of 
the guaranty. 

^'Is there any man who hears me," exclaimed Mr. 
Gladstone in 1870, ''who does not feel that if in or- 
der to satisfy a greedy appetite for aggrandizement, 
coming whence it may, Belgium were absorbed, the 
day that witnessed that absorption would hear the 



1 66 THE WORLD WAR 

knell of public right and public law in Europe?" So 
quotes the London Daily Chronicle and adds: 

On those words "public right" and "public law," and 
on the ideas behind them, depend ... all the possibili- 
ties of any sort of Internationalism. Erase them, and 
there is no bond left between nations but the sword. They 
are not yet erased; but they have been mortally chal- 
lenged. If the challenger triumphed, if the unoffending 
little country that has been struck down by a perjured 
blow were left to bleed away and perish in the dust, the 
consequences would be no whit less than those which 
Mr. Gladstone described. 

EngHsh editors are sometimes more than fair to 
their own Allies, in the sense that they hardly ever 
criticize any shortcomings of those Allies. And yet 
there are occasions when *' faithful are the wounds 
of a friend." Such an occasion is the present with 
regard to Russia, and the London Nation is one of 
the few papers boldly to advise Russia, in her own 
interest as well, to range herself more nearly on a par 
with her Allies and to do a long needed service to 
humanity and civilization. The Nation says: 

The news that the Russian Government had formally 
promised legislation to remove Jewish disabilities would 
be worth more to the Russian cause at this moment than 
a crushing victory over the German armies. . . . For the 
behavior of any Christian people towards its Jews is among 
the most searching tests of its civilization. . . 

With regard to the Jews, the situation was what it had 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 1 67 

been ever since the bloody policy of organized pogroms 
was abandoned for the dry terrorism of legal repres- 
sion. . . . 

What the bureaucracy has done through this series of 
years has been to tighten all the restrictions which weigh 
on the Jewish community, and to narrow the few aper- 
tures by which its more favored members might struggle 
upwards to knowledge and well-being. The professions 
which were open to Jews are now virtually closed. The 
schools which were grudgingly open to them, admit a 
smaller percentage and under harsher conditions. The 
wholesale expulsions of Jewish residents from towns and 
villages where they used to live freely, have grown steadily 
more frequent and more merciless. . . . 

The system by which the great mass of the Jewish race 
in Russia is over-crowded and exploited within a closely- 
guarded ''Pale" by which the fortunate few outside it 
are loaded with special taxes, by which knowledge is 
denied to the young and advancement to the capable, 
while the Government itself fans fanaticism by the legend 
of ritual murder — that system had seen no amehoration 
in recent years, and on the eve of the war it was being 
rather worsened than bettered. 

And yet ''Russia, the Imperialists of Petrograd 
proudly proclaim, must have an equivalent voice 
in the settlement," chronicles the Manchester Labor 
Leader, and asks: "How do our ideaHsts like that 
prospect?" The Labor Leader quotes the opinion 
of an observer to the effect that "The war may last 
three years — eighteen months of which would find 
Russia and ourselves fighting Germany and the 



1 68 THE WORLD WAR 

other eighteen Germany and ourselves fighting 
Russia!'' 

Now, turning from the attitude of EngHsh editors 
toward Russia, let us observe their attitude towards 
France. I may be wrong, but so far as my observation 
goes during recent weeks, the newspapers, magazines, 
and reviews, published in these isles, are apparently 
characterized by an extraordinarily singular and 
strange silence — a quahty, in this case, quite out of 
harmony, so it seems to me, with the traditionally 
t3^ical EngHsh character as we know it. We have 
generally assumed that character, from our experience 
of it, to be spontaneously and generously appreciative 
of a neighbor's pluck and grit. In the case of France, 
the English attitude does not seem to be, as in the 
case of Russia, the one which hesitates to disapprove. 
It is still more unfortunate than that certainly un- 
fortunate attitude for it seems to be, alas, the attitude 
which hesitates to approve! Perhaps many people 
hereabouts — even many editors — still fancy that the 
French are a wholly superficial, emotional, mercurial 
people. The old geography book of our fathers in- 
formed us, I have been told, that the people inhabiting 
France were a merry folk, fond of dancing and light 
wines! So they are, God bless them, but they are 
something more. To their Gallic gayety, vivacity, 
precision and charm, they add qualities which in our 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 1 69 

prejudice, we may have thought too exclusively Teu- 
tonic and Anglo-Saxon. What EngKsh newspaper, 
magazine or review has shown a constant and adequate 
recognition of these qualities? — of the marvelous pa- 
tience, poise, self-restraint, cheerfulness, dignity, which 
have distinguished not only the French people but also 
their Government and its representatives whether at 
home or abroad. The war has revealed nothing more 
admirable than the real French! I do not say that the 
EngHsh press has left unnoticed the splendid mani- 
festation of these qualities. I only urge that the Eng- 
lish press has not constantly and adequately recog- 
nized them, as it should have done and doubtless will 
do. In this connection it should be mentioned that 
all the EngKsh papers hope the early reports of in- 
human treatment of their foe, whether wounded or 
non-combatant, may prove to be unfounded and that 
nothing in the demeanor of either the home or colonial 
armed forces of France will cloud the inspiring record 
furnished by her people in general. 

Yet, contrary to German opinion, there is little 
tendency among British editors towards smug self- 
righteous swagger. When it bobs up now and then it 
is apt to be hit hard. In this connection the London 
Church Times pays its respects to a well-known and 
efficient young statesman. It admits that he has 
done his work well. But this makes the regret all the 



170 THE WORLD WAR 

greater for some of the expressions in his recent 
speeches. 

Insulting references to the German Fleet are not needed. 
They are more objectionable since the officers of that 
Fleet have, with rare exceptions, shown a spirit which 
should shame their fellows of the Land Forces. The Eng- 
lish Admiralty has once, at least, had occasion to ac- 
knowledge their courteous conduct of the war. . . 

It was deplorable to talk about ''digging out the rats." 
And seldom or never was swagger more signally rebuked. 
Even as he spoke, some of the skulking rats of his imagina- 
tion were putting out to sea for an enterprise of con- 
spicuous peril. On the day that his speech was reported 
we heard also the result of this high venture, mourning 
the loss of three fine ships and many priceless lives. Let 
us at least respect the courage of the men who could strike 
such a blow at our immense preponderance of force. As 
we brace ourselves for the stem prosecution of the struggle 
to a victorious end, let us be glad that some at least of our 
opponents are not unworthy of our steel, and that in Ger- 
many there is a nucleus of men whom in after years we 
may be proud to count as friends. 

In such spirit, the best editors of England are in- 
spiring the best men of England, quietly, resolutely 
to war. 

English editors also feel for themselves and their 
readers that the times demand great expression — if 
possible, poetic expression. And so, as never before, 
they seem to be throwing open their columns to all 
who can rhyme — and to some who cannot! For, as 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 171 

that satisfying sheet, the Manchester Guardian, puts 
it, peoples' minds are forced to the height and heat of 
emotion, at which the perfectly fit poem or the sub- 
ject of their emotion would come to them with some- 
thing of the power and charm of a great fulfilment or 
sudden release. And yet, as the Guardian adds, ^'the 
very heat that makes us thirsty makes the streams 
run dry.'' 

Finally as to what is going to happen after the war 
is over, English editorial opinion is summed up in this 
statement from the Liverpool Post: 

In the negotiations following the war we shall be moved 
by a common impulse — the establishment of a Europe on 
the principle of nationality and with a tender regard for 
small nationalities; a Europe . . . free from the causes 
of hatred and unrest which have poisoned the comity of 
nations and ruptured the peace of Christendom. 

II. The German Press 
[London, 0h October, 1914] 

The German newspapers are interesting reading. 
A careful perusal of them may clear away possible 
prejudices. 

The first prejudice is that the German Press is 
muzzled. Now no one could have become acquainted 
with the South German Press in particular, recently; 
no one could have glanced at the illustrated pages 



172 THE WORLD WAR 

of Simplicissimus or Jugend, for instance, without 
realizing that these papers were anything but muzzled. 
Indeed, they seemed to enjoy a greater Kcense than 
would be allowed in other countries. One thinks 
especially of that cartoon, summing up the Zabern 
incident, in which an enormous Germania, depicted 
as she is on the Niederwald monument, is shown 
weeping, and, in the corner, is seen the cause of her 
tears, the arrogant little figure of a Prussian lieuten- 
ant defying her — that is defying the nation, the Ger- 
man people ! 

So think the South Germans concerning any brutal 
excess of militarism as born in East Prussia and shown 
in Alsace-Lorraine. When the English papers unan- 
imously declare, as they do, that force is the main 
thing with Germany, first, last, and all the time, they 
might well make a distinction as to whether this is the 
opinion of military extremists or whether it is the 
opinion of all the people. The persons temporarily 
^'on top" should not mislead the world's opinion as 
to the real basic sentiments of the Teutonic race. 

Indeed there seems to be an increasing appreciation 
by the German Press of the distinction to be made 
between the Government and the people, in speaking 
of their own or of any country. For instance, when 
we talk about Russia we always have to define whether 
our "Russia" means the Russian Government or the 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 173 

Russian people, whether it means an oppressive au- 
tocracy or a furtively aspiring democracy. So now in 
Germany, although in a far less degree, of course. 
The newspapers, it is true, as soon as war began, 
^' lined up" behind their Government's decisions, 
though the day before they might have been as 
fault-finding as are generally the Berlin Vorwdrts or 
Zukunjt, Speaking of Bie Zukunft, its editor, Herr 
Maximilian Harden, said some time ago as reported 
here: 

You must never believe that Germany will attack any 
neutral country. No Power is more interested than Ger- 
many in respecting integrity treaties. 

Would that Herr Harden's *' Germany" meant the 
Government as well as the people ! 

There is another prejudice against the German 
Press, namely, that the Norddeutsche Allgemeine 
Zeitung, a recognized official Government organ, and 
the Kolnische Zeitung, a semi-official organ, are, there- 
fore, dry-as-dust reading. Are they ! In the Kolnische 
we find the following vivacious bewailment: 

The sympathy which we showed towards the Boer 
States during their last war against England has borne 
evil fruit. For it repelled the English and finally the Boer 
States. We did not want a conflict yet wove the first 
strands of one; we wanted to please both parties and 
pleased neither. The Boers accepted our friendliness and 
were resentful against us when their foremost statesman, 



174 THE WORLD WAR 

on coming to Germany, was not received by the Emperor, 
though he had been warned in advance that he was asking 
something impossible and had been given a hint to avoid 
Berlin. England resented our attitude at the beginning 
of the war, though later we were the Power that dis- 
solved the Franco-Russian coalition against her. Owing 
to our refusal to join, the attack planned against Eng- 
land, which was then so grievously embarrassed, came 
to nothing. 

The only consolation the Kdlnische can now find 
is in the thought that ''the danger threatening the 
gigantic British Empire through its vast extent and 
great distances" is as potent as ever, and will be 
doubled in the event of England's defeat in the present 
war. 

The war has brought out one main defect of the 
German Press — its strange lack of political acumen. 
This, after all, is not so surprising as it may seem at 
first; we do not always remember that German edi- 
tors have not had the advantage of the practical par- 
liamentary training which obtains in a country where 
the Cabinet is responsible to the legislative and not 
merely to the executive branch of the Government. 
No matter how minute the individual training of 
German editors, of what avail is it if they have not 
political prescience and, above all, if they cannot read 
human nature? 

And yet they seemed, one and all, to be so im- 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 1 75 

pressed with the fact that Austria, and Germany 
after her, had timed their war declarations so as to 
surprise Russia, France and England at embarrassing 
moments as not to reahze that one cannot reckon 
without a basic factor — common sense. 

For instance, the editors made much of the con- 
tinual fratricidal feud between the Russians and the 
Poles and also of the fact that Russia just then was 
enduring at St. Petersburg an enormous Labor strike, 
which had even compromised the Imperial Police 
power; they did not grasp that internal disorders are 
sometimes lost sight of in the fear of external peril. 

Again, they made much of the fact that France 
was still in the midst of the Caillaux excitement, for 
the trial had indeed ended in a travesty of justice. 
They made much of the fact that M. Humbert in 
the Senate had just revealed French unpreparedness 
for war, owing to defects in the Army and the lack of 
ammunition. They made much of the fact that the 
President and Premier of France were far away from 
Paris in St. Petersburg on a visit to the Tsar. 

But far more strikingly than either Russia or France, 
they believed Great Britain unready for war. Was 
she not disunited? Indeed had she not generally been 
disunited in face of war? Had not history shown this? 
How about the Romanists in England who would have 
welcomed the victory of Philip of Spain and the Faith 



176 THE WORLD WAR 

he stood for as against Queen Elizabeth? How about 
those who, when England was fighting Louis XIV. in 
his attempt to tyrannize Europe, favored him because 
he would protect the Stuart exiles? How about those 
statesmen who opposed the British Government's 
struggle against Napoleon? How about those who 
opposed the Crimean War? And how about those 
who opposed the Boer War? 

The next miscalculation of German editors had to 
do with the British Empire. There is something 
always wrong with the Empire, if we may beheve 
those Britons not ''in the saddle." They always love 
to berate the Government in power. And their par- 
ticular method of attack is generally to declare the 
Empire doomed, simply because an unreasonable 
party is in control! With strenuous assertions and 
protestations of this sort made every day by the 
Opposition, it is no wonder that foreigners are de- 
ceived. The Germans, in particular, began to think 
that this party grumbling meant a real disintegration 
and that, after all, the British Empire might be only 
a mass of unrelated atoms. 

Now the German mind is pre-eminently orderly and 
painstaking and its scholarship is the best in the 
world. But scholarship does not mean merely a 
collecting of facts. It means an interpretation of 
them in the light of history and psychology. One 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 1 77 

must look beyond the facts. And this is just where 
the Germans made their mistake. They did not 
realize that sometimes sharp differences in home 
politics may make for the strong unity in foreign 
politics. 

Hence, the very corner stone of their conviction 
with regard to British disintegration, namely Ireland, 
proved the greatest surprise. Why, was not England 
on the verge of an armed conflict in Ireland? It cer- 
tainly looked like it, all must allow. Yet what hap- 
pened when the foreign peril threatened? Ulster- 
men and Nationalists called a truce. Ulster quickly 
ralHed to the support of the Empire. The other parts 
of Ireland gave signs of following though they hung 
back until the Home Rule Bill was passed; (until then 
Ireland was far behind the other parts of the United 
Kingdom in recruiting, her percentage being, as re- 
ported by the press, .93 as opposed to 1.94 for Wales, 
2.41 for England and 2.79 for Scotland). But now 
that the Home Rule is on the Statute Book and satis- 
fies the majority of Irish, NationaHst Ireland alone 
expects to raise 100,000 soldiers for the righting of 
Belgium's wrongs — for Belgium, a nation both small 
and Catholic, appeals strongly to the imagination 
of Catholic Ireland. 

Again, the German papers prophesied that an out- 
break of war would plunge India into rebellion. But 



178 THE WORLD WAR 

what happened? The Indian Rajahs remained finely 
loyal. The Empire called on India for 40,000 men. 
It is getting 70,000. 

The German papers were also sure that the war 
would give the great British self-governing dominions 
the opportunity for which they are supposed to have 
been yearning, to cast off their allegiance to the 
motherland. But what has happened? Not only 
have Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South 
Africa reaffirmed their loyalty; they have pledged 
their resources, as far as they are able, to England's 
defence ! 

Then came other miscalculations. They had to do 
with the British army. It was small and contempti- 
ble! Why, it still persisted in keeping the old, out- 
worn voluntary system. The Enghsh army merely 
meant mercenaries. The other day a writer in the 
BerHn Vossische Zeitung claimed: 

In England the morality of private and of public life is 
utilitarianism. ''Let each man do what is of profit to him- 
self"; this principle justifies the basest egotism towards 
other nations, and the standard of value is the common 
medium of exchange — money. What costs more is the 
nobler possession. 

Thus Lord Kitchener raises the pay of the English 
mercenary army in order to increase their patriotism. 
Mercenary troops are unknown to us and we do not carry 
on this war as a business transaction. We do not want to 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 179 

drive any competitor from the field but to defend our- 
selves from an attack. 

Surely the British soldiers do not merit the disdain 
expressed by German newspapers. Despite the mani- 
fest shortcomings of the voluntary system, British 
soldiers have shown themselves unmercenary in spirit. 
If not the most numerous and the best organized and 
the best disciplined they are inferior to none in the 
essential qualities of coolness, poise, courage, cheerful- 
ness and civilization. 

But even if she had a good military system, add 
some German editors, what can you expect? The 
Britons, they allege, have become decadent; one has 
but to see the submerged tenth in Whitechapel and 
to hear about the upper ten to be convinced of 
that! 

Now it is true that dissipation here is more manifest 
than in Germany. But to say that the British na- 
tion, as a whole, is decadent is absurdly to misjudge 
the people of these Isles. One need waste no time on 
that charge. 

Then there was another miscalculation. It was 
found in the iteration and reiteration throughout 
Germany that ''Belgium is merely a pretext: England 
is entering on the war for purely commercial reasons, 
as befits a nation of shopkeepers." Says the Berlin 
Vossische Zeitung — good old ''Tante Voss" — 



l80 THE WORLD WAR 

We do not carry on this war as a business transaction. 
We do not want to drive any competitor from the field but 
to defend ourselves from an attack. 

The Germans are now revising this widespread 
error as to the main English motive. 

The war has been disgraced by awful atrocities, 
whether committed by Belgians or by Germans. 
First we heard about the Belgian. The German 
papers printed details of outrages to the German 
wounded which one could not read without putting 
down the paper and turning one's head away in de- 
spair, that such could be possible. But then came 
other and more dreadful and more inexcusable atroci- 
ties alleged to have been committed by German sol- 
diers. Concerning those at Louvain, has the Frank- 
furter Zeitung nothing more to the point to say than 
this? 

The necessity to bum down certain groups of houses 
from which collective shooting had come resulted in more 
damage than was meant. The first news of this damage 
came during the terrible night of trial for Louvain, when 
it was impossible to measure the catastrophe properly. 
This was responsible for the error by which our whole 
Army has suffered. We confess that we regret these events 
most deeply. 

One characteristic specially distinguishes the Ger- 
man press. It is a natural characteristic, for Ger- 
many is just now surrounded by foes. It is this. 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS l8l 

Nothing like the war of 19 14 ever happened to obsess 
the minds of reporters and editors alike. No matter 
what subject they touch upon, there is generally 
some reference to the war and nine-tenths of the 
subjects they treat have to do directly with the war. 
The war crowds all other events aside and away to one 
side. Indeed, the very brains of German reporters 
and editors seem to have become mere war maps and 
all their natural impulses changed to artificial im- 
pulses for marches, skirmishes, attacks, counter at- 
tacks, charges, battles, defeats, victories, sudden 
death. War penetrates into every mental nook and 
cranny of reporters and editors until it seems as if 
they had quite succumbed to the stimulation of 
thinking and dreaming and talking and writing of 
nothing but war, war, war. 

No ordinary events afford sufficient mental food; 
the daily ration of reporters and editors has now be- 
come so changed that, if they do not get the particu- 
lar mixture which makes the particular material they 
want, they become — and their papers in consequence 
— querulous, liable to make strangely sweeping state- 
ments and to go off at a tangent. Even the best 
papers may be found using such language as this from 
the Frankfurter Zeitung: 

Portugal has long been dependent upon England — as 
dependent as a vassal State, and, if England desires 



l82 THE WORLD WAR 

and orders it, the Republic will join our numerous 
enemies. 

In general, however, such organs of public opinion 
as the Norddeutsche, the Kolnische and the Frankfurter 
Zeitung have been marked by much that is worth 
reading because set forth with a generally unrufHed 
mind and nerve, with good temper and balance. 

If we find fault with its political opinions, we must, 
nevertheless, acknowledge the attractive candor of 
the German press in the presence of proven fact. 
This has just been strikingly shown both with regard 
to Germany's military and with regard to her eco- 
nomic position. 

As to the first, the Berlin Vorwarts frankly says: 

Although after a month of war the position of the Ger- 
man armies is better than one could have dared to hope, 
it must not be supposed that what is to come will be child's 
play. 

The English Fleet is still unweakened and the fighting 
off Heligoland has shown that it seeks to attack. 

In the east the enemy's troops are still on German soil. 
But one knows how slow the Russian mobilization is, and 
what masses of troops the Russians can still bring up. 
One knows also the difficulties which would arise if it 
should be necessary to fight on Russian soil. 

The formation of the new French Ministry, and the 
proclamation which it has issued, show that the war is 
more than ever a war of the whole people, and that it is 
thoroughly recognized that the national existence is at 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 183 

stake. History teaches what a tremendous force that 
gives. 

An equal candor characterizes the treatment of 
economic conditions by the German papers. 

As to unemployment, about one in three or four 
workmen were called to the colors before September i. 
Since then the Reserves, the Landwehr and Land- 
sturm, have been called up. And yet, paradoxically, 
there is unemployment among those left behind! 
This is largely because you cannot replace skilled 
labor by unskilled. 

Moreover some sixteen million dependents, mainly 
women and children of course, have been left without 
their breadwinners. They must be supported. The 
Government makes grants of aid, it is true, but these 
grants are insufScient. Though it is a militarist 
organ, the Berlin Kreuz Zeitung frankly calls this 
"the internal danger" and adds: 

If we do not succeed in mitigating the consequences of 
this unemployment among the masses of the people, and 
saving those who have not gone to the front from the 
terrors of starvation, this will be of no less far-reaching 
importance than the defeat of our army. We have by the 
help of public means taken up the fight against the spectre 
of unemployment. But the result hitherto has been very 
poor. This is the most vulnerable point which we see at 
the end of the first month of the war. 



184 THE WORLD WAR 

Then there is the question of raw materials. Though 
the Berliner Tagehlatt thinks that there will be enough, 
we find this candid opinion in the Frankfurter Zeitung: 

It is true that we have sufficient bread and meat for 
food, but the danger is that, through the absence of raw 
material which comes to us from abroad, our factories may- 
be compelled to shut down very soon. 

In the same spirit, the Berlin Vorwdrts says: 

It is wise not to underrate the danger of the war lasting 
a long time. With regard to food, one or two years do not 
matter, but the supply of raw materials for our industry 
is not a thing to be regarded lightly. Germany needs an 
enormous import of wool, cotton, silk, flax, timber, oil, 
copper, lead, zinc, leather, and rubber if a great part of 
the country's factories are not to stand still. The Enghsh 
have not dared to blockade our harbors for fear of our 
mines, torpedo-boats, and submarines. But the interna- 
tional law of maritime warfare gives them other means of 
cutting off our imports. 

Then there is the question of neutral trade. The 
Berliner Zeitung declares that this situation is very 
serious, but that "trade with the neutral countries 
must be maintained as soon as the transport is re- 
opened.'' 

Thus the amount of available labor is considerably 
reduced, available raw materials will probably not be 
sufficient for a long time and the future of neutral 
trade is more or less doubtful. 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 185 

On the other hand, as the Berhn Vossische Zeitung 
reminds us: 

Germany has had a remarkably good harvest, so that 
on the whole the purchasing power of the agricultural in- 
dustry is relatively big. The same applies to industries 
which supply the needs of the Army and other public pur- 
poses. The problem is to use this purchasing power in such 
a way as to revive all those branches which supply the 
needs of the above-mentioned industries. The question is 
how to build around the sound kernel. 

Economically, the EngHsh hope to defeat the Ger- 
mans, claim the latter, in order to rule the world's 
markets. On this subject the Kolnische Zeitung re- 
marks : 

That is the basic motive for which the Russian and 
French Armies are lighting. Day by day every English 
newspaper is giving some expression to this thought. They 
are announcing with triumph that Germany will lose this 
or that market and that it will fall to the English. To this 
end large organizations have been created to help on the 
good work, before other countries, especially the United 
States, are successful in getting ahead of England. 

A recent article in the London Times moves the 
Kdlnische to the following: 

The Times hopes that disaster to Germany will last not 
necessarily six months or a year but as long as is required 
to force Germany to give up those departments of trade 
in which she has had success. 

Now one may well doubt whether the Times^s frank- 



1 86 THE WORLD WAR 

ness . . . will be taken with particular favor in 
France. . . . For Germany's fate would be France's for 
even more than Germany, French industry is suffer- 
ing. . . . 

England is proceeding with a moratorium; she cannot 
pay her debts. The proud Bank of England must be helped 
by the Government. . . . 

The Times recognizes *Hhe German titanic energy." 
That energy will find ways and means. . . . England can 
rest assured that we will conduct the economic war with 
the same decisiveness as the military. 

The Germans are justly proud of the fact that their 
trade has long been forging ahead of English trade 
proportionately. The reason for this is that English 
merchants work five or six hours a day for four days 
a week and then are not disinclined to take a three-day 
week-end. German merchants, on the other hand, 
work ten, eleven, twelve hours a day if necessary, for 
six days in the week, and are ready to work on the 
seventh too if they must. As England cannot beat 
Germany in trade, conclude the Germans, she is play- 
ing her trump card, her Navy, the largest in the world. 

Now the English are a nation of shopkeepers. In- 
cidentally, that is a thing to be proud of! The shop- 
keepers doubtless do get up too late in the morning. 
They are paying the penalty for their inertness, since 
the earlier rising, more economical, more scientifically 
educated and more persistent Germans have beaten 
them in many branches of business and in many parts 



THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN PRESS 1 87 

of the world, including the British colonies themselves. 
Doubtless, too, after the war, the Germans will win 
back whatever they have temporarily lost in what- 
ever supremacy they have in trade and transporta- 
tion. They may even add to that supremacy! 

But, in the policing of the world's law and order the 
British Navy will also, I am sure, be doing business 
at the old stand! 



XIII 

RUMANIA AND ITALY 

[London, i8th October, 1914] 

King Carol is dead ! Who that ever saw him can 
fbrget the compact, well-built figure; the pronounced, 
clean-cut features; the clear gray eye; the modest 
manner, the quiet but kingly dignity ! 

He was Prince Charles of Hohenzollern, a member of 
the senior and Roman CathoHc branch of that family. 

He created Rumania as we know it. In the inter- 
ests of civilization the Powers in 1866 took into their 
own hands the conditions of anarchy prevailing in 
the outlying Turkish provinces. The Powers chose 
Prince Charles to execute their mandate. His saga- 
cious father, Prince Charles Anthony, had trained 
him for service in that enviable region of the Upper 
Danube where a high state of civilization exists. The 
Powers called the young Prince to the region of the 
lower Danube where the condition of the people was 
wretched, their means of communication primitive, 
their chances at education meagre, their financial 
resources slender, their public affairs chaotic. Charles 
had been summoned to replace Turkish pro-consuls 

188 



RUMANIA AND ITALY 189 

in governing the Danubian principalities of Moldavia 
and Wallachia. They had been horribly misgoverned, 
like all the provinces over which Turkey was still 
sovereign. 

Out of those provinces Charles developed the strong 
Kingdom of Rumania. He improved agriculture; 
built highways and railways; established schools, 
courts and financial order; fostered an export trade 
in grain, timber and petroleum; defended his capital, 
Bukharest, by great forts; created an army and made 
it one of the most efficient, proportionately, in Europe; 
commanded the Rumanian forces in the Russo- 
Rumanian war against Turkey (1877); obtained in- 
dependence for his country (1878) ; and, finally, (1881), 
was crowned King with a steel crown made from a 
Turkish gun captured by Rumanian troops at Plevna. 

But Rumanians will never forget that though Russia 
won against Turkey because Rumania helped her, 
Russia took to herself at the close of the war the 
Rumanian half of Bessarabia, giving to Rumania as 
an offset the swampy Dobrudja on the Danube, a 
miserable exchange. At that time Rumania was but 
an infant nation. She has since matured. She can 
defend her rights either in Russia or in Hungary. For 
in Hungary there is an unreclaimed Rumania. In 
Transylvania and Bukowina live over three million 
Hungarian and Austrian Rumans. 



190 THE WORLD WAR 

As a Hohenzollern and German Prince, it was nat- 
ural for King Carol to bring and keep Rumania 
within the orbit of the Triple Alliance of Germany, 
Austria, Italy. But suppose his people wanted to 
attack Austria-Hungary, a member of that Alliance, 
so as to free the three million Rumans there and make 
them distinctively Rumanians by adding them to the 
co-racial population of Rumania proper? The King 
would hardly have been so unpatriotic or unwise as 
to resist such a national impulse. 

At the same time, his death may possibly be fol- 
lowed by some change in the policy of neutrality 
adopted by Rumania in the present war. This policy 
has been of manifest advantage to Germany and 
Austria and of disadvantage — though not propor- 
tionately so great — to the Powers of the Triple En- 
tente, Russia, France and England. 

[London, igth October , 1914] 

Yesterday we heard of the death of the King of 
Rumania. To-day we hear of the death of another 
upholder of the Triple Alliance, the Marquis di San 
Giuliano, the ItaHan Foreign Minister. There is thus, 
not only in actual conditions of coveted territory 
across the respective borders, but also in the coinci- 
dent deaths of two leaders, a strikingly close parallel 



RUMANIA AND ITALY 191 

between Rumania and Italy in the matter of fidelity to 
the neutrality which both have proclaimed. 

As a Great Power Italy is unique. Geography and 
history alike afford her a position of detachment from 
the other Powers. To these advantages is now added 
her recent very notable progress in wealth and cul- 
ture. 

Hence, her favor has naturally been sought by the 
two groups into which Europe has been divided. 
Diplomatic history reveals perhaps no case of political 
wooing, comprising more allurements, blandishments, 
seductions, exhortations, admonitions, covert threats, 
finely spun intrigues. 

Finally, thirty-odd years ago, Italy gave her ad- 
herence to the Austro- German group. 

The Austro-German group indeed! Here was a 
surprise to many, even of those who had a close view 
of the diplomatic deftness with which the game had 
been played by both groups. For Germany and 
Austria are Teutonic Powers. Italy is a Latin Power. 
Did not the Italian people incline rather to another 
people, the French, of their race than to a people, the 
German, of an alien blood? Did not the Italian nation 
incline more to the French nation, which came to its 
aid when it was unifying itself, than to the Austrian 
nation which it had fought? Why then this seemingly 
unnatural alliance? 



192 THE WORLD WAR 

For two reasons: 

1. From it Italy thought that she could obtain the 
larger assurance of present material security. She 
would least imperil what she had. She would be able 
the better to economize in armaments. 

2. From it Italy felt that, when the time came for 
a redistribution of territory on her northeast border, 
she would more certainly secure what she covets. 

What is that? ItaKa Irredenta — unredeemed Italy. 

First and chiefly the Trentino — the region about 
the city of Trent, in which a great Italian population 
lives. Who can have journeyed northwards in Austria 
along the Adige River from just above Verona to just 
below Bozen; who can have entered Austria from 
Italy by the Tonale Pass and have proceeded east- 
ward across the Dolomites to Italy again at Agordo 
or Auronzo, without feeHng that, no matter how much 
Austria has done for the Trentino, it ought really to be 
Italy's. War or no war, the Italians believe that the 
Trentino will, in the course of nature, one day be 
theirs and thus properly round out their northern 
frontier, now interrupted by this triangular piece of 
Austria jutting into the great peninsula. 

Many ItaHans also claim that Triest and the little 
Istrian peninsula, on the western Adriatic shore, form 
part of ItaHa Irredenta. But geographically, eth- 
nologically and historically, they are not at all in the 



RUMANIA AND ITALY 193 

same class of unredeemed Italy as is the Trentino. 
Though the Italians form the majority in Triest and 
though the whole district is very largely Italian in 
race and language, the Slav wave of Croats and 
Slovenes is overwhelming just behind them. More- 
over, Italy is bound to this region by but a fraction 
of the historical ties which bind her to the Trentino. 
As to present commerce and military strategy, Italy 
does not really need the port of Triest to emphasize 
her dominance of the Adriatic. 

Then, farther afield, there is Dalmatia. Its popu- 
lation is only slightly Italian. Despite that, if the 
Anglo-French fleet should free any Dalmatian ports 
from Austrian dominion, Italy would not willingly 
see them pass to the more feared Servians. To the 
Montenegrin? — that might be another matter. 

And then down the coast, passing over always in- 
dependent Montenegro, we come to Albania. Over 
it, or a part of it, certain impulsive Italian jingoes 
have wished to establish a protectorate. But the 
Conference of London created it into an independent, 
autonomous State. Nor could any settlement, based 
on the principle of nationality, give it to Italy. 

A week before the war began, the Italian Govern- 
ment, we learn, informed the other Governments that 
it would be neutral in the approaching conflict be- 
tween the two groups. 



194 THE WORLD WAR 

At that time, so some claimed, Italy would not 
take up arms because she had not been sufficiently 
informed beforehand of Austria's ultimatum to Servia; 
indeed, the London Spectator alleges that Italy was 
freed from obligations to the Triple Alliance because 
that clause of the Alhance Treaty was broken which 
bound the partners to consult each other before taking 
steps involving war. The German Government, how- 
ever, declared that Italy and Germany had been 
treated in the same way. 

The advantages to Germany and Austria of Italian 
neutraHty were evident. They led to the assumption 
by many observers that a neutral attitude on the part 
of Italy had long since been agreed upon among the 
three Powers. This assumption was confirmed when 
the German Government hastened to declare in the 
public press that Italy had correctly interpreted her 
obligations towards the Triple AUiance. 

No wonder, nevertheless, that the German and 
Austrian Governments took measures to maintain 
Itahan neutrality. It was more satisfactory to them 
than anything else could be; indeed, it was of vital 
service. This for four reasons: 

(i) Its chief importance lies in the fact that Italy 
can draw immense supplies from the outside world 
and send them into these countries. 

(2) But even were Germany and Austria provi- 



RUMANIA AND ITALY 



195 



sioned for a decade, of what avail would it be if Italy 
entered the war with them? Not a soldier or sailor 
could Italy spare, for the whole strength of her military 
and marine forces would be required to defend the 
immense ItaUan coast-line against the English and 
French, overwhelming in their combined power in the 
Mediterranean. Indeed, Italy might have to ask aid 
from Germany and Austria! Thus, instead of help- 
ing them, she might be a burden to them. 

(3) The French, suspecting that, after all, the 
Italian Government might suddenly side with the 
German, have kept a great number of troops along 
the Italian border; they could not therefore be sent 
into the field against Germany. 

(4) Correspondingly, on the Italian border facing 
Austria, the Austrian Government, according to its 
own statement, has been able to leave its frontier open 
and withdraw its troops thence for service in distant 
Galicia. 

Now quite the contrary statements are made by 
those who interpret Italy's neutrality as being of 
benefit to the Triple Entente. 

In direct denial to the foregoing, France, they say, 
has now been able to withdraw from the Italian fron- 
tier a quarter of a million men, who have now been 
sent against Germany. 

Still in direct denial, Russia, they opine, would not 



ig6 THE WORLD WAR 

have found it so easy to triumph over Austria in 
Galicia if Austria had not been compelled to keep a 
large contingent of troops on the Italian frontier for 
fear that, at some sudden moment, Italy's neutrality 
might be transformed into an attack against her. 

Finally to all this they add — and this is indeed 
true — the facihty which both England and France 
have enjoyed in naval operations and in transporting 
troops across the Mediterranean, due to the neutrality 
of the Italian navy. 

It is a poor rule that does not work both ways, and 
there is benefit to Italy too if we may beheve — and 
why should we not? — Mr. Churchill's propagandist 
article in the Giornale cf Italia of Rome. Speaking of 
England and France he says: 

We are both great Mediterranean Powers. We do not 
seek expansion. We have got all the territory that we 
want. . . . However strong we are, I cannot see how 
there could be any danger to Italy. 

Now Italy's desires as to expansion are known to 
all the world. It is only natural then that English, 
French and Russian newspapers should continually 
harp on these desires in their effort to persuade Italy 
to abandon her neutrality and join them, thus seriously 
compromising German and Austrian mihtary chances, 
if, indeed, the act did not ensure victory to the En- 
tente Powers. 



RUMANIA AND ITALY 1 97 

The chief argument in this wooing seems to be 
that if these Powers did not have Italy's active co- 
operation, they would naturally feel no claim to their 
generosity established by such aloofness when the time 
comes for them to rearrange the map of Europe. As 
the Saturday Review puts it: ^'It is not conceivable 
that Italy would be allowed in Istria or elsewhere to 
profit by the toil and conquest of the Slav armies." 

While they would not, they say, drag Italy into a 
quarrel which is not hers, without regard ta her own 
interests, yet even the papers are drawing a parallel 
between 1855 and 1914. In 1855, with scarce any 
support but the King's and Massimo d'Azeglio's, 
Cavour summoned his countrymen to join France and 
England in attacking Russia. ^'Is not Liberal feel- 
ing," asks the London Times, ''as strong and stronger 
in its approval of these Allies as it was when Cavour 
summoned his countrymen to rally to it? . . . We 
have some confidence that when Italy does act, it 
will be to tread again in Cavour's footsteps. . . . 
For the two great questions for Italy in the future 
are her position on the Adriatic and her position in 
the Mediterranean. The war, and the settlement 
after the war, will affect both as surely as the Crimean 
War and the Congress of Paris affected the fate of 
Lombardy and of the Peninsula." 

This argument is put forth carefully and tern- 



198 THE WORLD WAR 

perately, yet a still more cautious Government deemed 
it prudent to issue the following statement through 
its Press Bureau : 

The views expressed in a leading article in the Times 
of October 3 with regard to Italy and Rumania are un- 
authorized and do not represent the attitude of his 
Majesty's Government. 

What is the sentiment of Italy? The Nationalists, 
the RepubHcans and the Reformist SociaHsts would 
declare for the Entente Powers. Do the NationaHsts 
remember that they need to consider France as Italy's 
greatest prospective enemy? Perhaps they correspond 
to the Bernhardi school in Germany; they seem to be 
Real-Politiker, political realists, that is to say, time- 
servers, those who will take territorial gains where they 
can. Just now they think such interests would be 
furthered by an aUiance with the Entente Powers. 
The other two poHtical parties, the RepubHcan and 
the Reformist Sociahst, seem to be chiefly inspired by 
hatred of Austria, inherited from their great apostle, 
Mazzini. On the other hand, the Socialists proper, 
as shown in their Congress just held, preach neutrality. 
But these Socialists themselves fall into two classes, 
those who believe in absolute and those who believe 
in conditional neutrahty. Their organ, the Avanti, is 
interesting reading these days and their leaders, 
Ferrari, Mussolini, Bissolati, worth hearing. 



RUMANIA AND ITALY 199 

Popular Liberal opinion in Italy is often reflected 
by the well-informed, wide-spread and influential 
Corriere della Sera of Milan. It says : 

If our neutrality satisfies that part of the public, which 
either cannot or will not fix its gaze on the future, it pre- 
occupies and agitates all those who realize that our future 
is being fought for on the battle-fields of France, Prussia, 
GaUcia, Bosnia. The opposing hosts call to us, now with 
flatteries, now with threats. We remain quiet at the win- 
dow, gazing at the show. ... It offers us a spectacle of 
such terrible slaughter, of such griefs and misery, of such 
ruin and barbarity, that our abstention seems to us doubly 
precious. . . . But what will become of us when the 
arms are laid down, when the combatants rearrange the 
map of Europe, when we shall have to struggle alone 
against the profound rancours raised by our neutrality? 

Many Liberals and Conservatives maintain that the 
triumph of England, France and Russia, no matter 
how inspiring for popular rights, would mean the 
triumph of those who have been Italy's chief compet- 
itors in the Mediterranean and who are the protec- 
tors of the Slav power which Italy dreads. 

In addition there is the feeling that to fight against 
Germany and Austria would be, in some sense, a 
betrayal. The other day the Catholics, in congress at 
Milan, declared that ''an attitude of hostility towards 
the States of the Triple Alliance and in favor of those 
of the Triple Entente would be, unless imposed by 
insurmountable necessities of national defence, an 



200 THE WORLD WAR 

attack on the rights of nations equal to that of the 
violation of Belgium." This is putting it strong, but 
it finds recognition here by such organs as the West- 
minster Gazette, 

We, for whom the breaking of a treaty by Germany 
has been a factor of such supreme importance, should 
do well to respect the sentiment that makes a large section 
of ItaHans averse to making war against former Allies. 
Neither by caresses nor by veiled threats should we try 
to lure the ItaUans to our side. 

Whatever the position of the Italian people, the 
Government, like our own, maintains its position of 
neutrahty. One of the King's friends wrote thus to 
me last week: "The Government is determined to 
preserve its neutrahty at all costs. It will not be 
moved by threats from one side or flatteries from the 
other. If it can keep its miHtary and naval forces 
armed and intact, it can, in the final settlement, 
greatly strengthen its moral position as a neutral 
power and, while legitimately attending to its own 
interests, can more quickly assure justice and peace." 



XIV 

TURKEY 

[Liverpool, 20th October , 1914.] 

The news came to hand this morning that Turkey 
is about to enter the war and that she will be against 
Russia and on the side of Germany. 

This news is not unexpected. 

It is natural for Turkey to be against Russia. Is 
not Russia her hereditary enemy? Did not Peter 
the Great say so? 

Who, pray, took the old Turkish provinces north 
of the Black Sea and made them Russian? 

Who chiefly took the old Turkish provinces north 
of the Danube and made them Rumanian? 

Who took the provinces south of the Danube and 
made them Servian and Bulgarian? 

And who united the Balkan States against Tur- 
key? 

Russia. 

Those who eagerly acclaimed the advent of the 
Young Turks to power — Enver Bey, who is now at- 
tracting great attention, being one of them — and 
the deposition of Sultan Abdul Hamid II., lost 

201 



202 THE WORLD WAR 

heart when the Young Turk regime in Macedonia 
and Albania proved as ruthless as had been its pred- 
ecessor. 

One of the great events of our time was the con- 
sequent resolve by the Balkan States of Bulgaria, 
Servia, Montenegro, no longer to allow ancient jeal- 
ousies to separate them, but to unite to deliver the 
misgoverned provinces. 

In this they had inspiring examples — the example 
of Greece herself when in 1828 she won her inde- 
pendence; of Rumania, when in 1866 she was formed 
out of the provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia 
and became practically independent; of Servia, be- 
coming so the next year; of Bosnia and Herzegovina 
which in 1874 set the whole Balkans in a flame; of 
Bulgaria which, in 1876 appealed with a mighty 
voice from the Turkish atrocities there; of Monte- 
negro and Servia, which then declared war against 
Turkey; of Rumania, by whose strength Russia won 
against the Turks; indeed, of the Congress of Berlin 
by which Rumania, Servia and Montenegro were 
made absolutely independent and Bosnia and Herze- 
govina snatched from Turkey and put under Aus- 
trian administration; finally by Italy, which has 
delivered Tripoli from anarchy. The one Turk who 
emerged from the TripoHtan War with added fame 
was Enver Bey. 



TURKEY 



203 



It is also natural, just now, for Turkey to side with 
Germany rather than with France or England. 

Ever since 1898, when the German Emperor paid 
a visit to Constantinople and succeeded in getting 
on a friendly footing with the Sultan and, particularly, 
ever since Germany indicated an expectation to found 
in Asia Minor her greatest colony, the whip hand 
among diplomats at Constantinople has generally 
been the German Ambassador. This was specially 
marked during the term of office of the late Baron 
Marschall von Bieberstein, one of the most remarkable 
men of our times. Germany has long practically held 
Turkey in her grasp. 

Again, the Turkish defeats of 191 2 could not take 
place without much humiliation and bitterness on the 
part of the Sultan's subjects throughout his Empire. 
It is not generally known how near the Arabs in Africa 
and the Kurds in Asia have been to a revolt. 

Just as this time Enver Bey gained renewed popu- 
larity. Turkey lay bleeding and dismembered after 
the first Balkan War. It seemed to be to the interest 
of Turkey, Russia and Austria aUke to stir up mis- 
trust among the Balkan States lest they should be- 
come a unified State which would disturb the balance 
of power in Europe. As it happened the ruler of one 
of the Balkan States, as well as his people, fell a prey 
to ambition. Hence it was the easier to cause Bulgaria 



204 THE WORLD WAR 

to fall out with Servia and Greece. The result was the 
second Balkan War (1913) in which a weakened Bul- 
garia lay not only at the mercy of Greece, Servia and 
Rumania but also of Turkey. And here it was that 
Enver made good his daring promise to the Turks to 
win back from Bulgaria for them their holy city, 
Adrianople. They had captured it in 136 1 and had 
made it their first capital in Europe. 

From this time forth Enver's influence was nat- 
urally paramount. He had had his miHtary education 
in Germany. He admired the German training and 
discipline; indeed, the Turkish army had long been 
practically commanded by Baron von der Goltz and 
much army equipment was ordered from Germany. 
All these things have turned Turkey towards Germany 
rather than towards France or England. Enver Bey 
is now Enver Pasha. 

Our interest, however, is not so keen concerning 
immediate as it is concerning future events. For, 
in the event of Austro- German success, Turkey may 
dream of regaining Macedonia and Albania — ^par- 
ticularly Albania, with its Mohammedan population; 
possibly Tunis, even Egypt itself! She may not 
realize, however, that the Austrian desire to advance 
to Salonika might interfere. The only Turkish dream 
that might come true is that an Austro- German vic- 
tory would ensure the present possession to her a 



TURKEY 



205 



little longer of all that remains of Turkey-in- 
Europe. 

On the other hand, the success of the Entente 
Powers would not improbably mean the immediate 
end of Turkey-in-Europe, the abandonment of all the 
iEgean Islands, together with the control of the Dar- 
danelles, the Bosporus and finally of Constantinople. 

Think of Constantinople no longer Turkish and 
Mohammedan, as it has been since 1453, but Christian 
and, if not a free city, then under either Slav or Greek 
control. Have the Greeks ever forgotten the old 
adage that "When a Constantine marries a Sophia, 
they shall reign at Constantinople?" And a Constan- 
tine and a Sophia are now King and Queen of Greece ! 

There are other events also intimately bound up 
in the present situation. With Turkey in the war, 
will Greece remain out? Will Bulgaria? Will Ru- 
mania? Above all, will Italy? 

The recent treatment of Greek residents by the 
Turks nearly brought Turkey and Greece again to 
war as it was. 

On the other hand, Bulgaria is smarting to regain 
prestige — anywhere. 

Rumania, as we have seen, has her own reason for 
wanting to take advantage of the present opportunity 
either as against Russia on the one hand or as against 
Austria-Hungary on the other. 



206 THE WORLD WAR 

And Italy, so lately at war with Turkey, will find 
it more difficult than ever to maintain her neutrality, 
particularly in view of Pan-Islam demonstrations 
which it is reported, the religious agents of Turkey 
have been stirring up on the Tripolitan border with 
their proclamations of a Jehad or Holy War. 

If the action of Turkey therefore changes the atti- 
tude of some or all of these States from neutrality to 
belligerency, the scope of the war will be vastly ex- 
tended. Will it follow that, because of this, the war's 
duration will be proportionately lengthened? 



XV 

AMERICA 

[QuEENSTOWN, IRELAND, 22d October, 1914] 

What does the war mean to us? 

I 

It means that we, non-belligerents, should fulfill all 
our duties towards belligerents, if we are partners to 
the same contract. 

For instance, our delegates and those of other 
Powers signed the Hague Conventions or treaties, 
whose object was to lessen the evils of wars. While 
the delegates' signatures might have indicated that 
their respective nations could ratify these treaties, 
no legal obHgation was created. Legal obHgation 
results only from ratification and a country is legally 
bound from the date of the deposit of ratifications. 

The Dutch Government fixed a date for their 
deposit. The nations which had ratified their dele- 
gates' signatures, deposited such ratifications with 
the Dutch Foreign Minister at The Hague. 

One of the Hague treaties provides that the terri- 
tory of neutral powers is inviolable.^ Yet, even 

^ 1907 Convention V, Article t. 
207 



2o8 THE WORLD WAR 

before war broke out last summer, diplomats every- 
where foresaw it would occur and that there might 
be violation of neutral territory. 

We are the most disinterested of the Powers. Thus 
any protest from us has proportionate weight. Our 
State Department knows this. It also knew — or 
should have known — of the menace to neutrahty. 
We have not learned, however, whether it informed 
our partners to this particular treaty that we assumed 
they would adhere to their promise but, nevertheless, 
asked for an assurance, as otherwise we might have to 
act as would seem wise in interpreting our own re- 
sponsibility. We only know that, in harmony with 
the Hague treaties,^ our President promptly and 
praiseworthily offered our mediatory offices to the 
Powers. 

War began. Germany violated the neutrality of 
Luxemburg and Belgium. Japan violated that of 
China. If, before, the law-abiding should have 
warned the suspects, should not now the law-abiding 
have warned the lawless? Yet we have not been 
informed whether our Government did other than to 
allow certain of our partners to break their treaty 
without our protest. 

Nor have we been informed of any subsequent 
protest. 

1 1907 Convention I, Article 3. 



AMERICA 209 

If our Government did nothing, two things might 
explain its attitude. 

First, our delegates signed the Hague treaties, 
stipulating that we should not be required to depart 
from the policy of not entangling ourselves in the 
political questions of any foreign state. Technically, 
this may seem to clear us. Our Government may 
hold that we have never acted except in cases directly 
affecting us. For example, so far as the world knows, 
we did not protest when the French overthrew the 
Sultan of Morocco. 

Second, the treaty does not apply unless all the 
belligerents are parties to it.^ England, Turkey, 
Montenegro and Servia have not ratified it. There- 
fore, the treaty is not binding. 

Technically again, this clears us. But does it 
morally? 

Can we escape moral responsibihty by a mere 
technicality? We solemnly affirmed the principle of 
neutrality by our delegates' signatures and by a 
nation's ratification. Does not that affirmation in- 
volve duty and responsibiHty — even if our hands are 
technically free? 

From the standpoint of ethics then have we not 
missed a great opportunity? Who can estimate the 
moral effect awakened by an early protest from us 
1 1907 Convention V, Article 20. 



2IO THE WORLD WAR 

against the violation of neutrality, especially such 
neutrality as Belgium's. It might even have been 
compelHng. 

Quite aside from any influence we might have 
had in Europe, we have really been assailed on a 
principle of broad national polity in America. Under 
the Monroe Doctrine we protect a dozen weak Latin 
American countries from aggression. Our position as 
guarantor should give to us a greater concern than has 
any other nation in protecting weak states from attack. 

Thus national interests and international morals 
alike required a protest from us last summer. 

II 

Again, what does the war mean to us? It should 
mean something very definite as to the atrocities in- 
volved. 

We hear of atrocities committed by Belgians on 
wounded German soldiers, thus violating the Geneva 
Convention to which Belgium was a party. ^ 

We hear of atrocities committed by Germans in 
Belgium and France. Germany signed the Hague 
treaty concerning land warfare with the exception 
of one of its articles which had nothing to do with the 
atrocities in question.^ Though Germany was bound 

1 The Red Cross Treaty, 1864. 
2 1907 Convention IV, Article 44. 



AMERICA 211 

by the other articles, they do not apply unless all the 
belligerents are parties to the treaty.^ And all bel- 
ligerents are not parties. Servia, Montenegro and 
Turkey did not ratify. The other belligerents did. 
Hence the treaty binds none of them. 

This again, technically. But, also again, are the 
other belligerents not bound morally? Their case 
here is like ours as regards neutrality. Consider the 
Hague prohibition of the bombardment of undefended 
towns. ^ For instance, why should it not morally 
apply to the French aviators if, as rumored, they 
dropped a bomb into an undefended German town? 
Should it not have prevented the Germans from bom- 
barding undefended Belgian towns? And should it 
not have prevented British airmen, if we may believe 
a London paper, from dropping bombs on Bruges and 
Thielt? Now France, Germany and England ratified 
this treaty. Even if they may disregard it technically, 
ought they morally to disregard it, just because, for- 
sooth, Servia, Montenegro and Turkey have not 
ratified it? 

The same principle applies to the articles prohibit- 
ing pillage,^ the levying of illegal contributions,^ of 

1 1907 Convention IV, Article 2. 

* 1907 Convention IV, Article 25. 

' 1907 Convention IV, Articles 2^^ 47. 

* 1907 Convention IV, Article 49. 



212 THE WORLD WAR 

collective penalties for individual acts,^ the demand 
of goods or services save for the needs of the occupying 
army,^ and the prohibition of the damage to municipal 
property or that dedicated to reUgion, charity, educa- 
tion and the arts and sciences; as well as to historic 
monuments; ^ finally the prohibition of mines in the 
open sea/ 

The regulations concerning land warfare were 
agreed upon with the provision that a belKgerent who 
violates them should be liable to pay damages.^ 
Certainly every guilty State should pay indemnity. 
We have a hint of this in the following telling phrases 
from President Wilson's reply to the German Emperor. 

"A day of accounting." 

"Where wrongs have been committed, their conse- 
quences and the relative responsibility involved will be 
assessed." 

"The opinion of mankind" is "the final arbiter." ® 

This should mean that, at the proper time, we would 
cause a tribunal of judges from neutral countries to 
be convoked — from North and South America, Italy, 
Spain, Switzerland, Scandinavia, Holland — to weigh 

1 1907 Convention IV, Article 50. 
2 1907 Convention IV, Article 52. 
3 1907 Convention IV, Article 56. 
* 1907 Convention VIII, Articles i, 3. 
5 1907 Convention IV, Article 3. 
« See Addenda. 



AMERICA 213 

evidence from both sides as to the alleged atrocities 
and to come to such verdict as shall, as far as possible, 
vindicate the authority of international law. By such 
a moral pronouncement the whole world would and 
should arrive at a just conclusion about matters 
much disputed at present but impossible to be ad- 
judged save by an impartial neutral tribunal. 

Ill 

A moral protest is respected by moral nations. 
With others, no protest, or even treaty, is worth the 
paper it is written on unless we are ready to back by 
arms our word of pen. 

Two British opinions on this subject are worth 
quoting. One well-known statesman said to me: 
*' Over-emphasis on nationalism is an evil. It is seen 
in America. You talk too much about Old Glory. 
You wave the flag too much. You are in general too 
much puffed up with your national self-importance 
and your self-sufficiency. And so, in particular, you 
think you must compete with the Powers of Europe 
in point of arms.^ You are not Germany, hemmed in 
on all sides; she has had to be armed to the teeth. 
You are independent. Your geographical location 
is your security. No one is going to attack you, not 
even the Japanese. You do not need, therefore, a 

* See Addenda. 



214 THE WORLD WAR 

large army and navy. You need only a few gunboats 
to protect your citizens in some South American 
country which may happen to be in the throes of 
revolution. You do not realize that you are Hving 
practically in a fireproof dwelling!" 

Quite the contrary opinion was expressed by an- 
other English statesman. He said: *'The Germans 
are after us now. They will be after you next! We 
had a treaty with Germany. How much did it pro- 
tect us? How much did it protect Belgium? Was it of 
the sHghtest use? Where would we be if we were not 
in a position to sweep the seas? Our Navy has always 
made us great and always will, no matter how many 
gallant deeds our little Army is doing. Be warned in 
time. Make your Navy strong, too. You too have 
thousands of miles of coast to defend. You too have 
now oversea possessions to defend. And you always 
have the Monroe Doctrine to defend. Make your 
Army efficient too, not only in numbers but in ammu- 
nition. Have you enough guns? Who knows? But 
you ought to know. Be prepared." 

Here are two counsels. They come from friends of 
America, and from men eminent in the work of civil- 
ization. The two opinions are contradictory. One 
must be followed. Which is the better? What is the 
lesson for us? 

The lesson for America is to be the just man armed. 



AMERICA 



215 



We need a strong navy as a national insurance 
to protect our coasts and our commerce, and to 
fulfil our international obligations. It should act 
as an international police. Yet Congress withholds 
necessary naval appropriations and sanctions an un- 
necessary outlay on pensions and public buildings! 

We may not need a proportionately strong army, 
but we do need a more adequate army: First in the 
military training of all the American youth — more 
for an education in obedience, self-restraint, endur- 
ance, courage, than for any possible use in an exi- 
gency. In these respects let us imitate the Swiss, non- 
mihtaristic but ever-ready. Our new and deservedly 
successful system of army camps for college students 
points the way. Second, we need a close co-operation 
between our Federal forces and the State militia, 
and here additional legislation is necessary. Third, 
we need to fill up the regiments of our present army 
to their full quota, to place our coast defences in 
proper condition, and to establish an adequate supply 
of arms and ammunition. This is not militarism, un- 
reasonable, brutal, destructive; it is reasonable, self- 
respecting preparedness. 

We need to do all this not for military but for civil 
ends and by civil authority. We need to do it first, 
so as to uphold our own pubHc law, for no country 
has ever fully protected the rights of its own citizens 



2l6 THE WORLD WAR 

which has not prepared itself for possible defence 
against foreign aggression. But we need also to be 
prepared to uphold the public international laws 
which guard the common life of humanity. To pro- 
test against the violations of those laws may even be 
worth imperilHng a nation^s existence! 

IV 

Finally, the war should clinch a greater international 
fraternity. The Europeans will take care that they get 
greater liberty and equahty. Our part is to empha- 
size the fraternity — to stimulate a world-patriotism. 

National diversities may seem decidedly un- 
fruitful just now. But, like friendships among in- 
dividuals, so amity among States may be the stronger 
because founded on such diversities. However war 
may convulse the surface, world-patriotism means 
the underlying, deep-down unity and mutual need of 
all peoples. We try to express their truths through 
international law. Why not through international 
love? 

The need is for an age of fraternalism, beginning 
even now when conditions seem at their worst. The 
need is to take these conditions of fear and hate and 
transform them into conditions of understanding and 
trust. For the Germans are not all militarists; the 
English not all hypocrites! Why not make such facts 



AMERICA 



217 



known? It is our function sympathetically, spirit- 
ually, to interpret all the warring nations to one an- 
other. It is our privilege to be the intensive Something 
meant by Christ when He gave to the world two new 
commandments. 

Whether or not we Americans grasp this particular 
opportunity of service, the world is becoming one 
great family. The war may lead us to the contrary 
conclusion. It is indeed revealing psychological 
differences. But it is also reveahng likenesses and 
sympathies. And these belong to no one nation or 
group of nations, but to all mankind. 

If we are members of the family of nations, let us 
act as if we were. To recapitulate: 

1. We must be ready to utilize whatever influence 
or power we have in upholding treaty obligations. 

2. We must emphasize the value of neutral tribu- 
nals. 

3. We must be the just man armed. 

4. We must interpret the nations to one another. 



XVI 
AFTER THE WAR 

[S. S. Cedric, 30th October, 191 4.] 

The war is nearly three months old. Under condi- 
tions as they actually were each nation engaged may 
have at first acted rightly from its own standpoint. 
But certain causes of the war stand out ever clearer. 

When one thinks of immediate causes, one is of 
course convinced that even these — let alone ultimate 
causes — can hardly be brought out at the present 
time in true perspective. Hence a consequent diffi- 
culty in weighing and placing responsibility. Yet 
White Papers and White, Orange, Blue and Grey 
Books reveal much. 

In their light we think, first of all, of Servia. The 
first immediate cause of the European conflagration 
appears to be traceable to the Servian Government. 
In its own statement it admits that it had not kept 
its promise to live "in good, neighborly relations" 
with Austria. And, during the weeks following the 
Sarajevo murder, there was no indication, so far as I 
know, of any neighborly co-operation in investigating 
that murder, even if Servia did comply later to an 

218 



AFTER THE WAR 



219 



unexpected degree with Austria's further demands, 
doing more, indeed, than most Slavs would counte- 
nance. 

But Austria, I think, was a more efficient cause of 
the conflagration and far more to blame, both because 
higher in the scale of civilization and because holding 
a more delicate balance as regards the peace of Europe. 
She had, it is true, received long and extreme provo- 
cation from Servia. Yet the nature of Austria's 
final demands was unprecedented and her manner 
peremptory. She acted as if any Balkan question 
were a particular question between two nations; as a 
matter of fact it is always a European question. She 
surely knew that she could not press Servia too far 
without arousing resentment throughout Russia. 
She surely knew that this would probably drive the 
Russian Government to arms. But Austria would not 
give a reasonable respite. Her hasty declaration of 
war, it seems to me, is more to be condemned than the 
assassination which preceded it. Thus Austria lit 
the match for the present conflagration. 

As to Russia, who would defend her alleged double 
dealings in giving the world to understand that she 
was only partially mobilizing when she was com- 
pletely mobilizing? Certainly, from the standpoint 
of expedient military strategy, any crossing of the 
German border would seem to constitute provocation 



220 THE WORLD WAR 

for the German declaration of war. If, before that 
declaration, Russia did cross the frontier in several 
places and commit deeds of war in Germany, she is 
also certainly accountable for the European conflagra- 
tion. 

As to Germany, she erred, in my opinion, in sup- 
porting all of the clauses in the Austrian ultimatum 
and in demanding an immediate acquiescence. While 
she has been blamed for declining Sir Edward Grey's 
proposal for a Four-power conference, she may have 
had good reason to deem it *' stacked" in advance! 
Be this as it may, she made a critical mistake when, 
Hke Austria, she acted hastily; that is, when she de- 
clared war on Russia without waiting to see what 
would be the moral effect of her own mobilization or 
whether the renewed Russo-Austrian parleying might 
not lead to something tangible. Finally, German 
violation of Belgian neutrality had no moral justifi- 
cation whatsoever and this was by far the most fatal 
step of all. Thus, from the facts so far disclosed, 
Austria and Germany may be held chiefly responsible 
for the present conflagration. 

As to France, everyone of course expected her to 
fulfil her obligation to Russia as an ally. But, aside 
from this she added fuel to the general flame by 
yielding to the temptation to take advantage of the 
Russo-German tension to win back Alsace-Lorraine 



AFTER THE WAR 221 

and to put an end to the later German attitude, 
which may have seemed to her one of much arrogance. 

Now as to England. Days before Austria declared 
war on Servia, Russia, relying on the supposed Eng- 
lish "isolation policy" towards Germany, appealed 
for England's support. According to Sir Edward 
Grey's statements in the House of Commons, Eng- 
land's hands were free. Had she then definitely 
taken sides, the general conflict, some are convinced, 
might have been prevented. In my view of the mat- 
ter, however. Sir Edward Grey was not then sure 
whether Parliament would back him in pledging the 
country to war. Later, when Germany appealed to 
England to hold France neutral, to remain neutral 
herself and thus keep Germany from war to the west, 
England's hands, it was seen, were not free. France 
was a participant. Aside from obHgations to France, 
when Belgium became a factor, England's course was 
clear and she instantly followed it. 

Finally, as to Japan. She caused war with Germany 
because, as she claims, she had to capture Kiaochau 
(leased by Germany from China) to preserve peace in 
the Far East. This Germany denies. But if Japan's 
plea is justified, her violation of Chinese neutrality 
in seizing a railway, not on leased German soil but 
on Chinese neutral soil, and her disregard of China's 
protest would seem to have Httle justification. Her 



222 THE WORLD WAR 

counterclaim, however, is that Germany had pre- 
viously used the railway for military purposes. In 
any event, a fundamental principle of international 
law is that a belligerent must respect a neutral's 
impartial attitude. 

Thus in causing the present war, responsibihty of 
some sort, from very remote to very direct degree, 
rests on various countries. But none rests on Belgium. 

These are immediate causes. Others lie back of 
them. There are ultimate causes. 

We find one in the longing which Peter the Great 
implanted in every Russian — the longing to possess 
Constantinople, to make it again Christian, to hold 
it as a warm water port and as an outlet for Russia's 
ships into the Mediterranean; finally to give her a 
vantage point from which to rule the Balkan States. 

We find another ultimate cause in Austria's attempt 
to extend her influence southwards to Salonika on the 
^gean Sea, an attempt directly conflicting with 
Russia's protection of the Balkan States westward to 
the Adriatic. The desire to attain the southern sea 
had been a constant part of Austria's policy, but 
this plan did not become very active until after 1866, 
when the loss of Venetia made Austria wish for an 
offset. 

Of course we discover a third ultimate reason for 
the present war in the remembrance by Europe of^ 



AFTER THE WAR 223 

what the Treaty of Westphalia had done to estabhsh 
and neutralize the small States; of England's action 
thereafter in upholding Dutch independence, followed 
by her blameworthy course in not upholding Danish 
integrity. Both in these positive and in these nega- 
tive actions can ultimate causes of the present war 
be found. 

In Prussia's wars with Denmark, Austria and 
France another reason may be found, for, not until 
after these wars did the Powers begin their suicidal 
race with regard to arms. 

Still another ultimate cause for the present war is 
the expectation of aid from allied nations. This 
cause came into being in our time when Bismarck 
formed the Dreikaiserbund among Germany, Austria 
and Russia; later, when Alexander II. of Russia laid 
the foundation for the friendship with France which 
soon resulted in a hard-and-fast aUiance; later, when 
the Congress of Berlin tore up Russia's Treaty of San 
Stefano with Turkey; still later, when Germany and 
Austria formed an alliance; again, when Bismarck 
fell, and with him the policy of German friendship 
for Russia; again, when WilHam 11. sent his famous 
telegram to President Kruger, foreshadowing a new 
alignment; once more, when England allied herself 
with Japan, the effect of which was seen in the Russo- 
Japanese war; and, finally, when the Anglo-French 



224 THE WORLD WAR 

and Anglo-Russian Ententes were formed, even if 
they were established to deal only with matters out- 
side Europe. 

All of the above events may have had rather more 
to do with territorial than with commercial ambi- 
tions. But there have been also distinctly commer- 
cial causes of the present war. 

If we remember Russia's desire to possess Con- 
stantinople and Austria's to possess Salonika, we 
must also remember Germany's motives. They had 
something to do with the Prussian seizure of Schleswig 
in 1864 and the occupation of Alsace in 187 1, and 
now there is an entirely natural desire on the part of 
Germany to establish a great Teutonic sphere of in- 
fluence between the Eastern Mediterranean and the 
Persian Gulf. The thought of this has doubtless in 
recent years been back of Germany's various coquet- 
tings with Turkey and of Germany's alliance with 
Austria. 

Commercial causes have also influenced England. 
The violation of a treaty is by no means, the Germans 
maintain, the only reason for England's going to war. 
The real and underlying motive, they allege, is British 
greed. That is to say, it is the protection and enlarge- 
ment of British markets, cent per cent. German 
success in encroaching upon these markets and, still 
more, the possible challenge to British mercantile 



AFTER THE WAR 225 

maritime supremacy — these things long since excited 
a corresponding British jealousy, say the Germans; 
indeed many signs point to the truth of this charge. 
And now, as we read English newspapers, and as 
we hear Englishmen talk, we note the openly and 
daily expressed expectation of many of them to wage 
the present war — ostensibly begun to defend a lofty 
ethical principle — to the complete ruin of their chief 
commercial rival! 

On the other hand, the wisest Enghshmen have 
recognized that war does not in the end bring com- 
mercial profit and that competition can be overcome 
only by greater commercial efficiency. Moreover, 
while the German markets are open to the British 
only on the basis of a protective tariff the British 
markets are open to the Germans, on the basis of 
Britain's time-honored policy of free trade. 

War has now come despite the influence of the great 
financial institutions, in both England and Germany. 
That influence has been steadily tending towards a 
better understanding and co-operation. Silently but 
powerfully it has endeavored to ensure, as far as it 
could, the peoples against war. Though it has failed 
in the present instance, let us not forget the occasions 
when it has succeeded. It is the material expression 
of the world's unity. 

Indeed, why should not the great financial institu- 



2 26 THE WORLD WAR 

tions everywhere also undertake another task? Why 
should not they, acting mutually and internationally, 
not only try to prevent war, but also, as far as pos- 
sible, ensure their clients against war's consequences 
if war should occur? And, in the last analysis, those 
cHents are the nations themselves. 



So much for causes. Now for conclusions. This 
war cannot go on for ever. Some day peace will come. 

On what principle and in what spirit will peace be 
made? If it is to be a permanent peace, it must be 
drafted, not in the interest of one side or the other, 
not even in the interests of both sides, but also, and 
quite as much, in the interest of the neutral nations. 

Again, it must be no ignoble peace — that is to say, 
it must be no peace-at-any-price. We cannot cry 
"Peace, peace" when there is no peace. War is 
infinitely preferable to the slavery of an ignoble peace. 
We must begin by seeking justice and righteousness 
first and peace second — a long way second! Other- 
wise it will not be enduring: it may be a name; it 
will not be a reaHty. 

The spirit with which peace is concluded must be 
eminently humane. The spirit, the attitude, to be 
efiicient and effective, must seek neither to wreak 
vengeance nor to inflict humiHation. 

Only so will there be real peace. Only so will peace 



AFTER THE WAR 227 

be no mere truce, hiding within it the seeds of future 
war. 



What can we do to lessen the chances of a repetition 
of this war? 

It has weakened the world's population in quality 
as well as in numbers. It has pathetically increased 
the world's poverty. It has brought incredibly out- 
rageous burdens on the women — always the greatest 
sufferers by any war. It has crippled all mankind 
in Hfe, liberty, pursuit of happiness and peaceful 
progress in civilization. Worst of all it has inspired 
hate. It has poisoned souls. 

Yet shall we permit this world war to have been in 
vain? Colossal as has been the sacrifice, shall not the 
present cataclysm quicken and clarify our minds so 
as to create such international conditions as may 
bring permanent order out of present chaos? 

To secure permanent order, certain principles of 
democracy should be borne in mind. In their Hght 
certain reforms are necessary. 

There should be a more assured right of national 
self-government. Only through it can any mutual 
international trust be developed. National bound- 
aries should be decided not by military conquests or 
mihtary needs but by the natural division of race 



228 THE WORLD WAR 

and language. There should be no longer any tear- 
ing away of unwilling provinces from a State, as in 
the case of Alsace-Lorraine, either because of revenge 
or because of supposed military needs. If so, we 
should thus have a renewal of what followed the 
Peace of Westphalia. The rights of the small States 
should be emphasized and enforced. Just as the 
independence of Switzerland and Holland was then 
finally acknowledged, so the nations might even 
now agree that Finland — especially after its recent 
betrayals! — had a right to a national self-government 
and guarantee such a government to it. And why 
not to a reunited Poland? Even Alsace-Lorraine 
might become an independent buffer state if the 
Alsace-Lorrainers vote for it! Why not have a string 
of neutral states, indeed, Switzerland, Alsace, Lor- 
raine, Luxemburg, Belgium, Holland? a sort of mid- 
dle empire, such as was the old Lotharingia, which 
comprised them all. 

Next there should be a development of the rights 
and security of neutrality, begun by the Swiss Treaty 
of 1815 and continued by the Belgian Treaties of 
1 83 1 and 1839. The fundamental issue of neutrahty 
must now be definitely guaranteed in such wise that 
the small States involved can count upon permanent 
existence. There is plenty of rational good sense 



AFTER THE WAR 229 

about neutraKty — even among those who have vio- 
lated it! What it needs now is an international in- 
surance of a thoroughgoing kind. 

Next, the peoples should rule through really repre- 
sentative national executives. It matters little what 
the Executive is called, Emperor, King, President; 
the main thing is that he should no longer rule by 
the grace of some military caste or clique, but by the 
grace of all the people. In Russia, the monarch has 
been independent of control by the people, and in 
Austria and Germany he has been half-way inde- 
pendent. What has been the result? The Emperors 
of these nations, having at their disposal highly 
trained armies and immense armaments, have ac- 
tually been able of their own will to turn the nation's 
physical force to one side or the other, possibly after 
consulting an assembly of princes or military chiefs, 
but without consulting the representative assemblies 
of the people. 

The present rulers of these countries are all benevo- 
lently intentioned persons. But why should the re- 
spective peoples run the risk of being the tool of 
some weak, spineless monarch, of some petty busy- 
body, of some ruthless schemer, of some crank, pos- 
sibly of some madman? In a trice, such a person 
can give to a slowly won civiHzation the semblance of 



230 THE WORLD WAR 

barbarism. When this becomes clear to the minds of 
peoples, who have not as yet entirely awakened to a 
complete self-consciousness, a sudden growth in de- 
mocracy and radical changes in executive government 
may be expected. The growing vitality will burst 
its shell. 

If national self-government and a really assured 
neutrality to small States mean, as they do, the reign 
of greater liberty, surely the more democratic system 
of national executives would bring about the reign of 
a greater equality. 

In the next place, there should be a proportionate 
lessening of the aim to create aUiances among the 
nations merely to maintain a so-called ^'balance of 
power." An English paper puts this forth as a rea- 
son for England's going to war. Now, of course it 
may be desirable to maintain a balance of power. 
But consider what the effort to do so has involved. 
For a generation it has kept the countries of Europe 
divided into two antagonistic groups, the Triple 
Alliance and the Triple Entente. Indeed, for cen- 
turies, it has filled Europe with suspicion, jealousy, 
intrigue, strife. Should not the system be succeeded 
by something better? What might that be? Why 
not have a Concert of the Powers — a really harmonious 
Concert this time! Why not secure it by a federal 



AFTER THE WAR 23 1 

treaty (no ^' scrap of paper" if a provision outlined 
later be observed) embracing small as well as large 
States? Under it, why not have the federal signa- 
tories mutually guarantee their several territories 
and their sovereign rights. The vanquished could 
sign such a treaty with no humiliation, because no 
terms would be enforced which the victors did not 
equally accept for themselves. 

These and all other ends must be accomplished 
by a new diplomacy. We have seen the evils of se- 
cretive diplomacy, especially its tendency towards 
deceit. When Government secrecy must be main- 
tained by disregarding truth, so that when an appeal 
to force comes, one country may secure an advan- 
tage by taking the other by surprise, we have just 
such a sudden reaction as occurred when Germany 
discovered that Russia had been mobilizing and 
not telHng the whole truth about it. 

This is the age of intelligence and democracy. If 
so, the time has gone by when the people can be 
satisfied by the assertion that they cannot compre- 
hend the problems of foreign poHcy. Certainly the 
time has gone by when, at the behest of a few ultra- 
militarists accidentally in power, who mistake vio- 
lence for strength, the Government at one blow 
destroys what the people have been long in building. 



232 THE WORLD WAR 

There must be an end of secret diplomacy, with its 
power to make issues and determine events. There 
must be a general adoption of the policy which John 
Hay established when he took the whole world into 
his confidence. He knew that his plan to assure 
China's territorial, administrative and commercial 
integrity was directly opposed to the autocracy of 
the Russian Government which fought it. He knew 
that it rested on the desires of all peoples. Suppose 
the Foreign Ministers had taken the peoples into 
their confidence, should we have had this war? 

The ideal of those who have inspired the Hague 
Conferences ought to be realized — an International 
Parliament and an International Supreme Court. 

The latter should be the Court of Arbitral Justice, 
as outlined by Elihu Root, to replace the present 
Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague — 
which is neither permanent nor a Court! It should 
seek justice first, last and all the time, no matter 
whether peace follows or not. To this end it should 
be composed of judges from every nation — not of 
diplomats seeking compromise, but of impartial 
judges, attending only to the facts of the special 
cases before them, without a thought of the preju- 
dices of the particular nations involved. 

Nor need this court be all-embracing. Excep- 



AFTER THE WAR 



233 



tions might be made of certain subjects which could 
not be brought up, such as certain domestic affairs; 
residence, naturalization and citizenship; territorial 
integrity; the collection of private debts. But the 
fundamental necessity would be to bring about an 
agreement that a dispute on any other than the above 
subjects should be submitted to the court, no matter 
whether the dispute has to do with the nation thus 
federated or whether it is a dispute between one of 
them and any outside nation. 

Moreover, and most important of all — visionary 
as it may seem, the nations which can hack by armed 
strength the court^s decrees should bind themselves to 
do so, as well as to abide by those decrees. No paper 
agreement will protect defenceless nations from in- 
jury by others, unless, indeed, the whole body of 
nations binds itself to uphold by arms the conclu- 
sions of international law. In that service, while 
war would be possible and would be conducted under 
the rules of honor, there would be a better organiza- 
tion of force and its devotion to a far higher end. 
For the international, force would bind itself to deal 
with any nation that might suddenly become law- 
less; its work would be to enforce the laws of an Inter- 
national Parliament and secure obedience to the de- 
crees of an International Court. The armies of the 



234 THE WORLD WAR 

world would henceforth have as their main charac- 
teristic, not aggression but protection. 

And the ideal of protection should appeal even 
more than that of aggression to the innate fighting 
qualities of mankind. We cannot do away with the 
fighting impulse. Nor would we. For the will to 
grow and the determination to overcome any diffi- 
culty to legitimate growth is the most invigorating 
quality in any man or folk. But it needs direction. 
Let it be used for protection and let it be fully re- 
sponsible to the civil authority. This new ideal 
would appeal more to the unselfish natures of the 
greatest warriors than does the ideal of aggression 
and responsibility to military authority. More than 
does the present war-ideal, it would bring out what 
Moltke said war would emphasize, "man's noblest 
virtues of courage and renunciation, faithfulness to 
duty and readiness for sacrifice." In addition, the 
newer ideal would coincidently bring about a propor- 
tionate change in the necessity to rely on force. 

We may thus anticipate even the gradual diminish- 
ment of competitive armaments. We cannot do away 
with armies and navies as guardians of the peace, it 
is true. But we must be free from the menace of 
what we call militarism — that is to say, that un- 
reasonable, brutal and destructive competition in 



AFTER THE WAR 235 

arms which has imposed a senseless burden upon 
the countries of Europe. I oppose militarism, not 
because it may have retarded the realization of social 
justice for, paradoxical as it may seem, the country, 
Germany, the most accused of being militaristic, is 
the one which has made the greatest advance in 
agricultural improvement, in education, in municipal 
government and in social legislation. I oppose mili- 
tarism because it is an economic and moral waste and 
especially because it forms a ready weapon to all 
enemies of progress, whether autocratic or capital- 
istic. 

Why then should not the nations one day agree to 
maintain only such naval and military forces as a 
supreme federal authority may determine desirable 
for the common policing and protection of all the 
signatories to such a proposal? In other words, why 
should not the nations agree to replace, as far as pos- 
sible, individual strength by collective strength? In- 
stead of crushing mankind, as now, what we call 
mihtarism would itself be in the way to be eliminated. 
Armies would be combined and changed to the Swiss 
form, which provides for adequate miHtary training 
and readiness without miHtary excess. Such a force 
should be of far less numerical strength and more 
economical to maintain than are the present separate 
armies. 



236 THE WORLD WAR 

The general plan of a judicial organization of peace, 
will, of course, outrun the Hmits of Europe. In it, 
we catch a glimpse of the vision of a world federation 
of stations. And in that federation our own nation 
will assuredly play its part. 

Out of all the welter of war there will doubtless 
come a variety of counsels as to the future. But 
no matter what methods be adopted the lesson of the 
war should check the influence of the selfish man, of 
the swaggerer, of the bully, of the hypocrite. The 
spirit of such men is accountable for most interna- 
tional differences. Such men have been mainly re- 
sponsible for this war. Sordid in their materialism, 
brutal in their militarism, arrogant in their executive 
power and secretive in their diplomacy, they have 
threatened the whole earth. 

Yet a better world, let us be sure, will emerge from 
the horrors of war. The new world must become 
conscious of itself as a unit of humanity. 



THE WAR IN BRIEF 

1914. 

June 28. The Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir to the 
Austrian throne, and his wife, the Duchess of 
Hohenberg, murdered at Sarajevo, the capital 
of Bosnia. The crime said to be due to the 
machinations of the "Narodna Odbrana." 

July 9. Results of the Austrian investigation into the 
crime laid before Emperor Francis Joseph and 
later communicated to the Press. 
Serious disclosures concerning the condition of 
the French Army. 

July 18. The London Times warns Servia. 

July 21. The Frankfurter Zeitung warns Austria against 
precipitate action; other papers encourage 
Servia to friendly positive action. 

July 23. Austria presents an ultimatum to Servia. 

July 24. Russia, considering the Austrian demands as an 
indirect challenge to her, begins mihtary prep- 
arations. Strike at St. Petersburg. 

July 25. Servia replies to Austria. Departure of Aus- 
trian Minister from Belgrade, the Servian 
capital. 

Sir Edward Grey, British Foreign Minister, 
proposes that England, Germany, France and 
Italy should mediate at Vienna and St. Peters- 
burg. 

July 26. Sir Edward Grey proposes that the German, 
French and ItaUan Ambassadors at London 
should meet him in immediate conference for 

237 



238 THE WORLD WAR 

the purpose of discovering an issue which 
would prevent complications. Russia an- 
nounces that she cannot remain indifferent to 
Servia's fate. 
July 27. The London Telegraph warns Servia. 

" France and Italy accept Sir Edward Grey's 

proposal, Germany refuses. Austria also an- 
nounces that she can not be bound by it. Sir 
Edward Grey appeals especially to Germany. 
" General review of the British fleet. 
July 28. Austria declares war on Servia. 
July 29. Announcement that Russia is partially mobiliz- 
ing. 

Germany makes a bid for England's support in 
case of a European conflagration. 
July 30. The Austrians bombard Belgrade. 

" England declines the German proposal. 
July 31. A general mobiHzation discovered in Russia. 
" Mobilization in Belgium and Holland. 

" Germany presents an ultimatum to Russia and 

France. 
" Jean Jaures murdered in Paris. 
" Sir Edward Grey asks France and Germany 

whether they will respect Belgian neutrality. 
" France promises to respect it if the other Powers 

do. 
" Germany doubts whether she can make any 

satisfactory answer. 
August I. William II. telegraphs to George V. saying 
that, if England and France remain neutral, he 
will remove his troops from the French fron- 
tier and respect Belgian neutrality. 
" France orders general mobilization. 

" Germany orders general mobilization. 



THE WAR IN BRIEF 



239 



August I . French aviators alleged to have dropped bombs 
in Nuremberg, Germany. 
" The Russian troops alleged to have crossed 

the German border in several places. 
" Germany declares war against Russia. 

August 2. Sir Edward Grey assures France that the Eng- 
lish Fleet will protect the French north coast 
against the German Fleet. 
All British Naval Reserves called up. 
Germany presents an ultimatum to Belgium. 
Germany crosses Luxemburg. 
Claiming that the French had entered Ger- 
many the day before by the Schlucht Pass, 
Germany enters French territory. 
" The German cruiser Augsburg bombards the 

Russian miHtary port of Libau. 
" The Russians destroy their own port of 

Hango. 
August 3. Sir Edward Grey defines England's attitude. 
** The Australian Government offers 20,000 men. 

" The English Fleet mobilized. 

" Italy declares neutrality. 

" King Albert of Belgium appeals to King 

George. 
" England announces that she will support Bel- 

gium. 
August 4. England presents an ultimatum to Germany. 
" Mobihzation of the British Army. 

" Sir John Jellicoe takes command of the Navy. 

" The Germans cross the Belgian border. 

" England declares war on Germany. 

" The German vessels, Goeben and Breslau 

bombard Bona and Philippeville. 
August 5. Lord Kitchener appointed War Secretary. 



240 



THE WORLD WAR 



August 5. 



August 6. 



August 7. 

(I 
u 



August 8. 
August 9. 



August 10. 



August II, 
August 12. 



August 13. 



The Germans besiege Liege. 
The English cruiser Amphion sinks the Ger- 
man mine-layer Konigin Luise; thereafter 
the Amphion runs over one of the Konigin 
Luise 's mines and is blown up. 
The British Parliament votes 500,000 men and 
£100,000,000 ($500,000,000) for the war. 
The Germans capture Briey in France. 
Austria declares war against Russia. 
New paper currency issued in England. 
The Germans enter the city of Liege. 
The Germans make a second offer to the 
Belgians, the Belgians refuse it. 
Montenegro declares war against Austria. 
The English invade the German colony of 
Togo in West Africa. 

The French capture Altkirch in Germany. 
The English definitely retain in England the 
Turkish dreadnoughts which had been con- 
structed there. 

The Japanese fleet sails for Kiaochau, the 
German leased territory in China. 
The British cruiser Birmingham sinks the 
German submarine U. 15. 

France declares war against Austria. 

The Germans invade Cape Colony. 

The Russian dreadnought Peroswanny sunk. 

The French retire from German Alsace. 

England declares war against Austria. 

The Belgians repulse the Germans at Haelen. 

Turkey buys the Goeben and the Breslau. 

The French repulse the Germans at La- 
garde, Lorraine. 

France declares war against Austria. 



THE WAR IN BRIEF 24 1 

August 13. Russia promises autonomy to Poland. 
August 14. The English bombard Dar-es-Salaam, the 

capital of German East Africa. 
August 15. Japan presents an ultimatum to Germany, 
demanding the evacuation of Kiaochau. 
" The Germans in entire control of the Liege 

fortifications. 
August 16. The British land in France. 

" The Belgian Government is removed to Ant- 

werp. 
August 17. The French destroy the Austrian cruiser 

Zenta. 
August 18. The Germans capture Tirlemont. 

" The battle of Sabac in Servia. 

August 19. The Russians occupy Gumbinnen in East 

Prussia. 
August 20. The Germans occupy Brussels. 
August 21. The Germans levy $40,000,000 on Brussels. 

The Germans, under the Bavarian Crown 
Prince, defeat the French at the battle, lasting 
several days, near Dieuze. 
" The Germans defeat the Belgians and French 

at the battle of Charleroi. 
'' The Germans invade South Africa. 

August 22. The Germans attack Namur. 
August 23. The Germans defeat the British at Mons. 
" Japan declares war on Germany: Japan 

blockades and bombards the German port of 
Tsingtau in China. 
August 24. Namur falls. 

" The Allies retreat into France. 

" The Germans, under Duke Albert of Wurtem- 

burg, defeat the French at Neufchateau. 
" The Germans occupy Luneville. 



242 THE WORLD WAR 

August 24. The Austrians defeat the Russians at Kras- 

nik. 
August 25. The Germans destroy much of Louvain. 

The Allies fall back to Cambrai. 
August 26. After a siege of 28 days the Germans capture 
Longwy. 
" A new "National Ministry" in France. 

August 27. The British ship Highflyer sinks the Ger- 
man Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse off the West 
African coast. 

The Russians destroy the German cruiser 
Magdeburg in the Gulf of Finland. 
August 28. The British fleet sinks five German warships 
off Heligoland. 
" The Germans bombard Malines. 

" Austria declares war on Belgium. 

" The Allies fall back to St. Quentin. 

August 29. British troops from New Zealand occupy 

German Samoa. 
August 30. The Germans drive the Allies to the line of 
the Somme, the Gise and the Upper 
Meuse. 
August 31. The Germans drive the Allies to the region 
between the Marne and Seine. 
" The Germans defeat the Russians at Oster- 

ode, destroying or capturing three army corps. 
September i. Nicholas II. proclaims that the name of St. 

Petersburg is to be changed to Petrograd. 
September 2. The Japanese land 10,000 troops in China. 
" The Russians, after seven days' fighting, 

defeat the Austrians at Lemberg. 
September 3. The Germans advance to Chateau-Thierry. 
" The French Government moves from Paris 

to Bordeaux. 



THE WAR IN BRIEF 243 

September 4. The Belgians open the dykes and flood out 
the German advance towards Antwerp. 
" German mines sink the British vessels 

Speedy and Linsdell. 

September 5. German mines sink the British scout gun- 
boat Pathfinder, also the Wilson liner Runo. 
" England, France and Russia agree not to 

treat for peace separately. 

September 6. The Germans cross the Marne. 

September 7. Germans reach the extreme point of their 
advance; the tide of invasion begins to 
turn. 
" The Germans finally capture Maubeuge. 

September 8. The former White Star liner Oceanic, now 
a British Government boat, sinks off the 
North coast of Scotland. 

September 9. 70,000 Indian troops sail for England. 

September 10. The Germans, failing to break the Allied 
line at Vitry-le-Frangois, lose the Battle of the 
Marne. 
" The Russians capture Tomaszov. 

September 11. An Australian expedition captures the 
German headquarters of the New Guinea and 
Bismarck Archipelago Protectorate. 

September 12. The German cruiser Emden sinks a num- 
ber of British ships off the coast of India. 

September 13. The Allies force the passage of the Aisne, 
near Soissons. 
" The British submarine E. 9 sinks the Ger- 

man cruiser Hela. 

September 14. The British auxiliary cruiser Carmania 
— the well known Cunarder — sinks the German 
Cap Trafalgar off the South American east 
coast. 



244 THE WORLD WAR 

September 15. The Germans hold the line from Noyon 
to Verdun. 

September 16. The Germans drive the Russians out of 
East Prussia. 

September 17. The Russians rout the Austrian Army in 
Galicia. 

September 18. Parliament is prorogued. 

September 19. The Servians and Montenegrins defeat 
the Austrians in Novibazar. 
" The British occupy Lilderitz in German 

South West Africa, the town where the first 
German protectorate on the African continent 
was proclaimed. 

September 20. The Germans bombard Rheims and injure 
the Cathedral. 
" The German cruiser Konigsberg destroys 

the British vessel Pegasus in Zanzibar Harbor. 

September 21. The critical day of the battle of the 
Craonne, resulting in advantage to the Allies. 

September 22. German submarines in the North Sea 
sink the British cruisers Aboukir, Hogue, and 
Cressy. 
" The Emden bombards Madras. 

September 23. British aeroplanes raid the Zeppelin air- 
ship sheds at Dusseldorf. 

September 24. A British Expeditionary Force arrives at 
Laoshan Bay to participate in the Japanese 
movements against the Germans at Tsingtau. 

September 25. The Australians occupy the seat of gov- 
ernment of Kaiser Wilhelm's Land. 

September 26. The Russians reach vantage points near 
Cracow but are forced to retire. 

September 27. The South African forces under General 
Botha defeat the Germans. 



THE WAR IN BRIEF 245 

September 28. The Indian troops land at Marseilles. 

September 29. The Emden sinks five more British 
steamships. 
" The British cruiser Cumberland cap- 

tures nine German merchant steamers in 
Kamerun River, West Africa. 

September 30. After a week's battle at Augustovo the 
Russians force the Germans to retire. 

October 2. The British repulse the Germans at Roye. 

October 3. The Russians begin to advance from Buko- 
vina across the Carpathians towards Transyl- 
vania. 

October 4. A German torpedo sinks the Russian cruiser 
Pallada and sends her to the bottom with 
all hands. 

October 5. The Chinese protest against the Japanese 
occupation of their railways as a flagrant viola- 
tion of neutrality. 

October 6. The Japanese proclaim martial law at 
Tsinanfu. 
" The Belgian Government moves from Ant- 

werp to Ostend. 
" The Russians occupy Czernowitz, the cap- 

ital of Bukovina. 

October 7. The Japanese occupy the Marshall Islands. 

October 8. Announcement of the arrival of Canadian 
troops off Southampton. 

October 9. The Germans take Antwerp after an eleven 
day bombardment. 

October 10. The French win an engagement at Haze- 
brouck. 

October 11. The French place siege guns on Mount 
Lovchen, dominating Cattaro. 

October 12. The Anglo-French fleet, now increased to 



246 THE WORLD WAR 

forty ships, recommences the bombardment of 

Cattaro. 
October 13. Colonel Maritz in South Africa secedes to the 

Germans. Martial law proclaimed. 
" The Belgian Government transferred from 

Ostend to Havre. 
October 14. Battle of Glassinatz in Bosnia. Glassinatz 

dominates the fortifications of Sarajevo, the 

Bosnian capital. 
October 15. Announcement that the Canadian troops 

have landed at Plymouth. 
October 16. The Allies' line stretches from Ypres to the sea. 
" A German submarine sinks the British 

cruiser Hawke. 
October 17. H. M. S. Undaunted with the destroyers 

Lance, Legion, Lennox and Loyal sinks four 

German destroyers off the Dutch coast. 
" The Japanese cruiser Takachiho sunk by a 

torpedo in Kiaochau Bay. 
" Death of King Carol of Rumania. 

October 18. Death of the Marquis di San Giuliano, 

Italian Foreign Minister. 
" German warships sink the British sub- 

marine E. 3. 
October 19. The Allies recapture Armentieres. 
October 20. A British naval flotilla bombards the Ger- 
mans on the Belgian coast. 
October 21. Rhodesia co-operates with the army of the 

South African Union. 
October 22. The German cruiser Emden sinks more 

ships in the Indian Ocean. 
October 23. The Austrians re-occupy Czernowitz. 
October 24. The ten-day battle before Warsaw ends in a 

German defeat. 



THE WAR IN BRIEF 247 

October 25. The Japanese capture a German destroyer 

at Tsingtau. 
October 26. The British Prince Maurice of Battenberg 

killed at Ypres. 
October 27. An Austrian river-monitor is blown up by a 
mine on the Save. 
" The British superdreadnought Audacious 

sinks off the Irish coast. 
" General Beyers and Christian deWet start a 

revolt in South Africa. 
October 28. Russian ships, according to Turkish state- 
ment, endeavor to prevent the Turkish fleet 
from entering the Black Sea from the Bosporus. 
In the fight that followed, the Turks sink two 
Russian destroyers. 
" The German cruiser Emden disables French 

and Russian warships in the harbor of Penang. 
October 29. The Turkish fleet proceeds across the Black 
Sea and attacks shipping in three ports, 
Odessa, Novorossysk and Theodosia. 
" Russia proclaims war against Turkey. 

" Italy as the only neutral power to the Con- 

ference of London (19 12), and assuming the 
duty of enforcing the decisions of that 
Conference, sends six warships to Avlona 
(Vallona). 
October 30. Some of the Boer rebels surrender or are 
driven out of Cape Colony. 
" Prince Louis of Battenberg resigns his posi- 

tion as First Sea Lord of the British Fleet. 
Admiral Baron Fisher succeeds him. 
October 31. The proposal to increase taxes by one- tenth 
caused a split in the Italian Cabinet. 
" The French airmen drop bombs upon the 



248 THE WORLD WAR 

German headquarters at Dixmude near Ostend, 
destroying the headquarters. 
November i. The German armored cruisers Gneisenau 
and Scharnhorst, together with some Ught 
cruisers, disable the British cruisers Cape of 
Good Hope and Monmouth off the Chilean 
coast near Coronel. The Good Hope founders 
and the Monmouth had not been heard from. 
" By extending their mine fields, the British 

close the North Sea to trade. The neutral 
Governments involved protest. 
" The Turks bombard Sevastopol. 

November 2. The Russian fleet bombards Trebizond on 

the southern shore of the Black Sea. 
November 3. A German squadron appears near Yar- 
mouth, sinks a British submarine, shells the 
torpedo gunboat Halcyon. 
November 4. The German cruiser Yorck strikes a mine 

near Bremen and sinks. 
November 5. England and France declare war on Tur- 
key. Great Britain formally annexes Cyprus. 
The Anglo-French fleet bombards the 
Dardanelles forts. 

The British bombard and occupy the 
Arabian port of Akaba in the Red Sea. 

The Russians cross the border into Turk- 
ish Armenia and defeat the Turks at Id. 

The Turks bombard the Russian port of 
Batum. 

The Turks seize the British steamers 
Assiut and Khios at Smyrna. 
November 6. New Italian Cabinet. Signor Salandra 
continues as Premier. Baron Sonnino becomes 
Foreign Minister. 



THE WAR IN BRIEF 



249 



November 6. The Russians recapture Jaroslav. 

" The Russians defeat three Turkish regi- 

ments near Erzsrum. 
" Under Russian inspiration a native force 

besieges Van in Turkish Armenia, a hundred 
and forty miles southeast of Erzsrum. 
" The Japanese capture Tsingtau after a 

74-day siege. 
November 7. The British ships bombard the Germans at 
Elnocke and Zeebrugge on the Belgian coast. 
" The Allies capture St. Remy near Verdun 

on the heights of the Meuse. 
" The Russians cross the Prussian border 

and occupy Pleschen. 
November 8. The Russians occupy Wirballen and 
Stalluponen on the Prussian frontier. 
" The Turks bombard Poti on the Black Sea. 

November 9. The Russians also cross the East Prussian 
border at Soldau. 
" The Germans repulse the Russians near 

Lake Wysztyten, on the East Prussian frontier 
near Wirballen. 
November 10. The Australian cruiser Sydney destroys (?) 

the Emden near the Cocos Islands. 
November 11. A submarine in the English Channel sinks 

the British torpedo gunboat Niger. 
November 12. The Turks defeat the Russians at Kopru- 

keui, thirty miles east of Erzsrum. 
November 13. The Germans occupy Dixmude. 
November 14. The Belgians open more dykes flooding 

the country between the sea and Ypres. 
November 15. The British and French force the Ger- 
mans beyond the Yser Canal. 
" Death of Field Marshal Earl Roberts. 



250 THE WORLD WAR 

November 16. Italy votes $80,000,000 to keep her army 
on a war footing. 

" 17. The British Prime Minister announces a 
war loan of $1,750,000,000. 

" 18. The French capture Tracy-le-Val. 

" The Turks at Smyrna fire upon the 

launch of the U. S. S. Tennessee. 

" 19. The British House of Commons votes a 
new army of 1,000,000 men. 

" 20. The Germans, advancing in Poland, en- 
gage the Russians near Lodz in what may be 
one of the decisive battles of the war. 



DATES REFERRED TO IN THE TEXT 

136 1. The Turks capture Adrianople. 

1453. The Turks capture Constantinople. 

1555-1598. Reign of Philip II. of Spain. He oppresses 
the Netherlands. 

1568. The Northern Netherlands (Holland) revolts 
against Spanish dominion. 

1574. The Dutch raise the siege of Leyden. 

1643-17 1 5. Reign of Louis XIV. of France. He op- 
presses the Netherlands, Luxemburg, Alsace- 
Lorraine and the Palatinate. 

1648. The Treaty of Westphalia : the Powers acknowledge 
the independence of Holland: the Dutch con- 
trol the Scheldt. 

1652. The English Navigation Act leads to war between 
England and Holland. 

1672. England and France invade Holland. 

1682-1725. Reign of Peter the Great of Russia. 

1 7 13. Treaty of Utrecht: the Southern Netherlands (Bel- 
gium) pass from Spanish to Austrian control. 

1772. Partition of Poland. 

1788. The Triple Alliance of England, Holland and 

Prussia. 

1789. The French Revolution begins. 

1792. France throws down her gauntlet to England. 

1793. Second Partition of Poland. 

France declares war against England and Holland. 

1795. Third Partition of Poland. 

1796. Napoleon oppresses Italy. 
1807. Napoleon oppresses Portugal. 

251 



252 THE WORLD WAR 

1807. The English oppress Denmark. 

1 8 14-15. Congress of Vienna. The Powers confide the 
Austrian Netherlands (Belgium) to Holland. 

1828. Greece revolts from Turkish oppression. 

183 1. England, Austria, France, Prussia and Russia guar- 
antee Belgian independence and neutrahty. 

1839. Second guaranty of Belgian independence and 
neutrality. 

1848. Revolutions all over Europe, especially in North 
Italy against Austrian oppression. 

1854-6. The Crimean War. 

i860. Garibaldi redeems Sicily; Cavour, North Italy. 

1861. All Italy, except Venetia and Rome, united under 
King Victor Emmanuel. 

1863. Poland revolts from Russian oppression. 

1864. War between Prussia and Denmark: Prussia seizes 

Schleswig. 
The Red Cross founded at Geneva. 
1866. War between Prussia and Austria. 

1866. Italy redeems Venetia. 

The North German Confederation comes to an 
end: Napoleon HI. proposes to annex Luxem- 
burg to France. 

Prince Charles of Hohenzollern called to rule 
Rumania. 

1867. England, Austria, France, Prussia and Russia 

guarantee the neutrality of Luxemburg. 
War between Germany and France. 

1870. England, France and Germany make a special 

agreement regarding Belgian independence 
and neutrality. 

187 1. The Treaty of Frankfort, closes the Franco- 

German War and transfers Alsace-Lorraine 
from France to Germany. 



DATES REFERRED TO IN THE TEXT 253 

1871. Thiers proposes to annex Luxemburg to France. 

1872. The Dreikaiserbund: alliance of Russia, Germany 

and Austria. 

1874. Bosnia and Herzegovina revolt. 

1875. Alexander II. of Russia aids France. 

1876. The Bulgarian atrocities. 

1877. The Russo-Turkish War. Rumanian help gives 

Russia the victory. The Treaty of San 
Stefano. Rumania, Servia and Montenegro 
made independent. 

1878. The Congress and Treaty of Berlin, annulling the 

Treaty of San Stefano. 

1879. Austro-German alliance. 

1 88 1. Prince Charles crowned King of Rumania. 

1882. The English occupy Egypt. 

1883. The Triple Alliance — Germany, Austria, Italy. 
1886. A new Law raises the French Army's peace footing 

to 500,000 men. 
1888. Death of the Emperor Frederick of Germany. 
Accession of William II. 

1890. Fall of Bismarck. 

189 1. Important strengthening of Russo-French friend- 

ship. 

1893. Germany reduces period of army service from 

3 years to 2. 

1894. Death of Alexander III. of Russia. Accession of 

Nicholas 11. 
1896. Definite alliance between Russia and France. 

1898. Nicholas 11. violates the Finnish Constitu- 

tion. 

Nicholas 11. proposes an International Peace Con- 
ference. 

William II. visits Turkey. 

1899. First Peace Conference at The Hague. 



254 THE WORLD WAR 

1899. Germany makes her army numerically almost 
equal to that of France. 

1902. Anglo- Japanese Alliance. The Peace of Vereenig- 

ing closes the Boer War. 

1903. Alexander of Servia murdered. Accession of 

Peter I. 

1904. The Anglo-French Entente. 

The French bombard Casablanca. 
France reduces the period of her Army service from 
3 years to 2. 
1904-5. The Russo-Japanese War. 

1905. Finland revolts against Russian oppression and 

regains her stolen liberties. 
William II. visits Tangier. 
M. Delcasse, French Foreign Minister, resigns. 
1905-6. Conference of the Powers at Algeciras, Spain, 

settling the Moroccan question. 

1907. The Anglo-Russian Entente. 

Second Peace Conference at The Hague. 

1908. Austria annexes Bosnia and Herzegovina. 
Russia approves the union of all the Balkan States. 

1909. Servia issues formal Note accepting the Bosnian 

annexation and declaring her desire to live in 
good fellowship with Austria. 
Death of Leopold II. of Belgium. Accession of 
Albert I. 

19 10. Death of Edward VII. of England. Accession of 

George V. 

191 1. Germany threatens to occupy Agadir, Morocco: 

England averts war. 
The French overthrow the Sultan of Morocco. 

191 2. Russia again violates the Finnish Constitution. 
Italy declares war against Turkey. 

The First Balkan War: the Peace Conference in 



DATES REFERRED TO IN THE TEXT 255 

London of the Balkan States with Turkey 
interrupted. 

1913. The Second Balkan War. End of the Presiden- 

tial term of M. Fallieres: M. Poincare elected 
President of France. 
Significant Army Bills in Germany, France and 
Russia. 

1914. Tension between Austria and Servia. 



PRESIDENT WILSON'S DESPATCH TO THE GER- 
MAN EMPEROR 

[September i6, 1914.] 

American Ambassador, 

Berlin {via Rome) 173, sixteenth. 

Please communicate to His Majesty the Emperor the 
reply which the President makes to his communication of 
the seventh: 

I received Your Imperial Majesty's important communi- 
cation of the seventh and have read it with the gravest 
interest and concern. I am honored that you should have 
turned to me for an impartial judgment as the representa- 
tive of a people truly disinterested as respects the present 
war and truly desirous of knowing and accepting the 
truth. 

You will, I am sure, not expect me to say more. Pres- 
ently, I pray God very soon, this war will be over. The 
day of accounting will then come when I take it for granted 
the Nations of Europe will assemble to determine a settle- 
ment. Where wrongs have been committed, their conse- 
quences and the relative responsibility involved will be 
assessed. The Nations of the world have fortunately 
by agreement made a plan for such a reckoning and settle- 
ment. What such a plan cannot compass the opinion of 
mankind, the final arbiter in all such matters, will supply. 
It would be unwise, it would be premature, for a single 
Government, however fortunately separated from the 
present struggle, it would even be inconsistent with the 

256 



ADDENDA 



257 



neutral position of any Nation which Hke this has no part 
in the contest, to form or express a final judgment. 

I speak thus frankly because I know that you will 
expect and wish me to do as one friend should to another 
and because I feel sure that such a reservation of judgment 
until the end of the war, when all its events and circum- 
stances can be seen in their entirety and in their true 
relations will commend itself to you as a true expression of 
sincere neutrality. 

WooDRow Wilson. 



INDEX 



Aberdeen, Earl of, 165 

Adige River, the, 192 

Adrianople, 204 

Adriatic, the, 100 

/Egean Islands, 205 

Afghanistan, 66 

Agordo, 192 

Agadir, 68 

Albania, 14, 193, 204 

Albert I of Belgium, 87, 88 

Alexander II of Russia, 65, 223 

Algeciras, conference at, 67 

Alsace-Lorraine, 60, 63, 220, 

224, 228 
America, 207-217 

and England, 132 

and France, 121 

information received in, 137 
American army, the, 214, 215 

fratemalism, 216, 217 

nationalism, 213 

navy, 138 

treaties, 214, 215 
Americans in Europe, 56, 57, 76- 
78, 93, 94 

meaning of the war to, 207- 
217 
Amersfoort, 99 



Antwerp, 73, 98 

Arabi Rebellion, the, 121 

Arabs, the, 203 

Armaments, 234, 235 

Armies, 233, 234 

Art, works of, 74 

Atrocities, 91, 92, 96, 97, 152, 

164, 179, 180, 210-213 
Auronzo, 192 
Australia, 178 

Austria and the Balkans, 14, 203 
and England, 118, 123, 131 
and Germany, 17, 22-37, 120, 

220, 223 
and Italy, 117, 118, 222 
and Luxemburg, 82 
and Rumania, 14, 189, 190 
and Russia, 12-18, 23, 35, 36, 

118, 119, 219, 222 
and Servia, i-ii, 21, 119, 125, 

131, 218, 219 
and Turkey, 204 
Austrian ambitions, 222 
army, the, 28 
foreign policy, 118 
Austro-German alUance, 65, 117, 

223, 224 
"Avanti", the, 198 



Amsterdam, 99 

Anglo-French entente, 66-73, 98> Bad-Nauheim, i 

116, 117, 122, 223 Baden-Baden, 52 

Anglo- Japanese alliance, 223 Balance of power, 230 

Anglo-Russian entente, 66, 117, Balkan Wars, 13, 118, 203, 204 

119, 224 Balkans, the, 131, 203, 219, 222 

259 



26o 



INDEX 



Bavarian government's trains, 53 
Bavarians, 45 

and Prussians, 46 
Beaconsfield, Eari of, 25 
Belgian neutrality, 84-92, 222 
Belgian relief fund, 75 
Belgium, 228 

and England, 73, 84-92, 116, 
122, 131-133,165,221 

and France, 84, 86, 87 

and Germany, 84-92, 131-133, 
208, 220 

and Holland, 83 

and Luxemburg, S2, 84, 85 
Belgrade, 73 
Belfort, 80 
Bennett, Arnold, 156 
Berchtold, Count, 125 
Berlin, 53 

congress of, 25, 65, 117, 223 " 

treaty of, 25 
"Berliner Zeitung", the, 184 
Bernhardi, General von, 20, 159, 

198 
Bessarabia, 189 
Bethmann Hollweg, Dr. von, 81, 

88,90,123,127 
Bismarck, Prince, 22, 25, 60, 84, 

91,117,119,132,223 
Blake, Dr., 77 
Boer States, the, 173 

War, the, 175 
Bosnia and Herzegovina, 3, 17, 

25, 120, 123 
Boy Scouts, 113 
Bozen, 192 

British Empire, the, 176 
British, see English 
"British Weekly", the, 158 
Bruges, 221 



Brussels, 73, 90 
Bulgaria, 203 

and Greece, 13, 204 

and Rumania, 204 

and Russia, 13 

and Servia, 13, 204 

and Turkey, 14, 204, 205 

Caesar, 122 

Caillaux trial, the, 175 

Cambon, M. Jules, 69 

Cambon, M. Paul, 68 

Cambridge, 104 

Canada, 178 

Carol I of Rumania, 188-190 

Cavour, Count, 197 

China and America, 232 

and Germany, 208 

and Japan, 208 
"Chronicle", the London, 165 
"Church Times", the London, 

161, 170 
Churchill, Mr., 196 
Colenrander, Dr., 96 
Cologne, 52 

Concert of the powers, 230, 231 
Congress of Berlin, 25, 65, 117, 
223 

of London, 123, 193 

of Paris, 197 

of Vienna, 82 
Conscription, 111-113 
Constantine I of Greece, 205 
Constantinople, 13, 203, 205, 222 
"Corriere della Sera", the Milan, 

199 
Cossacks, the, 119 
Court, an international supreme, 
232 

of arbitral justice, a, 232, 233 



INDEX 



261 



Crimean War, the, 175, 197 
Croats, the, 193 

Dalmatia, 193 

Dardanelles, 205 

D'Azeglio, Massnno, 197 

Delcass^, M., 67 

Denmark and England, 132, 223 

and Germany, 117, 223, 224 
"Derby", the, 105 
Demburg, Herr, 163 
Diplomacy, 231, 232, 236 
Dobnidja, the, 189 
Dolomites, the, 192 
Dreikaiserbund, the, 119, 223 
Dubouchet, Dr., 77 
Dutch army, the, 95 

fortifications (land), 100 

fortifications (water), 99 

neutrality, 95-101 



Edward VII of England, 66, 73 
Elector, the Great, 21 
Egypt, 66, 67, 121, 204 
England, 117 
and America, 132 
and Austria, 118, 123, 131 
and the Balkans, 126, 131 
and Belgium, 73, 84-92, 116, 

122, i3i-i33> 165, 221 
and Denmark, 132, 223 
and Egypt, 66, 67, 121 
and Finland, 131 
and France, 66-73, 98, 116, 

121, 167, 168, 221 
and Germany, 70-91, 120, 124- 

133,173,174,221 
and Holland, 97-101, 122, 131, 
132, 159, 223 



England and Italy, 131, 196, 198, 
200 

and Japan, 223 

and Morocco, 66-68, 71 

and Poland, 131 

and Portugal, 131, 181 

and Russia, 26, 28, 118, 119, 
124-131, 166, 167, 221 

and Servia, 10, 69, 117, 118 
English ambitions, 160, 179, 185, 
224 

army, the, 102-115, 177-179 

censorship, 155-158 

decadence, 179 

labor parties, 146, 165 

navy, the, 137-140, 187 

parliamentary progress, 150 

people, the, 134-153 

press, the, 15 2-1 71 

prices, 135-137 

public schools, 105 

social service, 146 

sport, 141 

trade, 134-137, 185, 136, 224, 
225 

treaties, 133 

religion, 147, 149 
Enver Pasha, 202-204 
Epinal, 80 
Epsom, 105 
Executive power, 236 
Executives, national, 229, 230 

Federation of nations, 236 
Financial institutions, 225, 226 
Finland, 18, 39, 119, 131, 228 
Flushing, 98 
Football, 142-144 
Four-Power conference, the pro- 
posed, 27, 69, 220 



262 



INDEX 



France and America, 121 
and Belgium, 84, 86, 87 
and England, 66-73, 9^, 116, 

121, 167, 168, 221 
and Egypt, 66, 67, 121 
and Germany, 69-71, 73, 220, 

221, 223 
and Greece, 121 
and Italy, 121 
and Luxemburg, 82, 83 
and Morocco, 65-68, 71, 209 
and Russia, 26, 64, 70, 220 
and Servia, 69 

Francis Ferdinand, Archduke, 2- 
4, 21, 116, 118 

Franco-German War, the, 117 

Franco-Russian Alliance, the, 64, 
70, 117 

Frankfort, 52 

"Frankfurter Zeitung", 52, 180, 
181, 183 

Frederick the Great, 21 

Freiburg, 52 

French, Sir John, 164 

French army, 61-63, 69-71, 73, 

175 
aviators, 73 

"National Ministry", 182 
religion, 78, 79 
Frisian Islands, loi 

German ambitions, 38, 39, 159, 

160, 178, 224 
army, 20, 34, 40, 41, 46, 50, 61- 

63,73,111, 164, 182 
bid for English neutrality, 127 
children, 44 

colonies, 38, 120, 203, 224 
Emperor, see William II 
food supply, 184 



German ideas, 47 

labor, 183 

navy, 63, 120, 137, 224 

patriotism, 47, 148 

people, 20, 37, 38-58, 172 

population, 121 

press, 1 71-187 

prices, 134 

raw materials, 183 

religion, 48 

social service, 146 

socialists, 37, 158 

state socialism, 150 

trade, 120, 134, 185, 186, 225 

treatment of the Americans in 
Germany, 55-57 

treatment of the English in 
Germany, 51-54 

women, 42, 43 
Germans and their government, 

37 
Pan-, 38 
Germanic confederation, 82 
Germany and Austria, 17, 22-37, 

120, 220, 223 
and Belgium, 57, 58, 84-92, 

131-133, 208, 220 
and Denmark, 117, 223, 224 
and England, 70-91, 120, 124- 

^33, 173, 174, 221 
and France, 69-71, 73, 80, 81, 

220, 221, 223 
and Holland, 96, 97, 100, loi 
and Italy, 191, 194, 195 
and Japan, 221, 222 
and Luxemburg, 57, 58, 80-83 
and Morocco, 67, 68 
and peace, 24 
and Russia, 16, 25, 28-33, 124- 

131, 219, 220, 223 



INDEX 



263 



Germany and Turkey, 203, 204, 

224 
George V of England, ?)^ 
"Gids", the, 96 
"Giornale d'ltalia", the Rome, 

196 
Gladstone, William Ewart, 165 
Golf, 141, 142 
Goltz, Baron von der, 204 
Goschen, Sir Edward, 88, 128, 

129 
Great Britain, see England 
Grebbe, the, 99 
Greece and Albania, 14 
and Bulgaria, 13 
and France, 121 
and Turkey, 205 
Grey, Sir Edward, 10, 27, 28, 68, 
69, 71, 73, 88, 122-131, 164, 
220, 221 
"Guardian", the Manchester, 170 

Hague conventions, the, 85, 92, 
207-212 

court, the, 232 

peace conferences at The, 119 

The, 93 
Harden, Maximilian, 173 
Harlingen, 99 
Harrison, Frederic, 162 
Hauptmann, Gerhart, 159 
Hay, John, 232 
Hellevoetsluys, 99 
Herrick, Myron T., 74 
Holland, 95-101, 228 

and England, 97-101, 122, 131, 
132, 159, 223 

and Germany, 96, 100, loi 

independence of, 122, 228 
Hook of Holland, 99 



Humbert, M., 175 
Hunting, 145 

India, 177 
Ireland, 176, 177 

and Belgium, 177 
Istria, 192, 197 
Italia Irredenta, 192 
Itahan catholics, 199 

conservatives, 199 

liberals, 199 

nationalists, 198 

neutrality, 193-200 

repubhcans, 198 

socialists, 198 
Italy and Albania, 193 

and Austria, 117, 191, 194-196 

and England, 131, 196, 198, 200 

and France, 121, 191, 195, 196 

and Germany, 191, 194, 195 

and Montenegro, 193 

and Servia, 193 

and Turkey, 206 

Japan and China, 208, 221, 222 
and England, 223 
and Germany, 221, 222 
and Russia, 223 

Jaures, Jean, 63 

"Jugend", 171 

Junker arrogance, 20 

Kiaochau, Japanese capture of, 

221 
"Kolnische Zeitung", the, 173, 

181, 185 
Kitchener, Earl, 104, 113, 178 
" Kreuz Zeitung," the Berlin, 183 
Kruger, President, 223 
Kurds, the, 203 



264 



INDEX 



"Labor Leader", the Manches- 
ter, 167 

Lansdovvne, the Marquis of, 66 

Leyden, the siege of, 99 

Lichnowsky, Prince, 71, 88 

Liege, 87, 90, 155 

Lotharingia, 228 

Lombardy, 197 

London, 102, 134, 140 
congress of, 1 23 
theatres, 140 
treaty of (183 1), 84, 122 
treaty of (1839), 84, 122 
treaty of (1867), 83, 84, 85 
treaty of (1870), 84, 85 

Louis XIV of France, 131, 175 

Louvain, 96, 132, 180 

Luxemburg, 80-83, 228 
and Austria, 82 
and Belgium, 82, 84, 85 
and France, 82, 85 
and Germany, 80-83, 208 

Macdonald, Ramsay, 146 

Macedonia, 13, 204 

Marschall von Bieberstein, 

Baron, 203 
Materiahsm, 236 
Mazzini, 198 
Meaux, 77, 78 
Merijskowsky, 159 
Meuse, the, 99 
MiHtarizm, 20-22, 60, 61, 157, 

159,171,172,216,236 
Monroe Doctrine, the, 210, 214 
Mons, 77 
Montenegro and Albania, 14 

and Russia, 13, 14 

[orocco, 6. 
Motley, 99 



Munich, 19, 42, 44, 45 

theatres, 140 
Miinster, treaty of, 98 

Namur, 90 

Napoleon I of France, 131, 138, 

161, 175 
III of France, 82 
Nauheim, Bad-, i 
Narodna Odbrana, 4, 7 
National executives, 229, 230 
Nationality, 227, 228 
Netherlands, the Austrian, 122 
the Spanish, 122 
the United, 122 
Neutrahty, 228, 229 
Newmarket, 145 
New Zealand, 178 
"News", the London Daily, 

153, 155, 156, 158 
"News", the London Evening, 

160 
Nicholas II of Russia, 17, 27, 

28-33, 119 
Niederlahnstein, 52 
Nietzsche, 158, 159 
" Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zei- 

tung," 71, 126, 173, 182 
Nordhoff-Jung, Frau Dr., 76 

Ostend, 73 
Oxford, 102 

"Pall ]Mall Gazette", the Lon- 
don, 152 
Palmerston, Viscount, 165 
"Pal's Battalions", 106 
Pankhurst, Mrs., 147 
Paris, 60, 73 

American hospital in, 77 



INDEX 



265 



Parliament, an international, 232 

Partenkirchen, 40, 51 

Peace, 226, 227 

Persia, 66, 119 

Peter the Great, 13, 222 

Philip II of Spain, 131, 175 

Piedmont, 131 

Pitt, William, 98, 133 

Plevna, 189 

Poetry, 170 

Pogroms, 119 

Poincare, M., 175 

Poland, 18, 39, 119, 131, 174, 228 

Portugal, 131, 181 

"Post", the Liverpool, 171 

Priests, 78, 79 

Prince of Wales's fund, 75 

"Punch", the London, 84, 155 

Racing, 145 

Red Cross, American, 75 

in Munich, American, 76 
Reprisals, 160-163 
Rhine, the, 100 
Roberts, Earl, in, 112 
Romanov dynasty, 15 
Root, Elihu, 232 
Rumania and Austria, 14, 189, 

190 
Rumania and Russia, 14 

and Turkey, 188, 189, 205 
Rumanian independence, 189 
Russia and Austria, 12-18, 23, 
35, 36, 118, 119, 219, 222 
and the Balkans, 13, 14, 203, 

222 
and Bulgaria, 13 
and England, 26, 28, 118, 119, 

124-131, 166, 167, 221 
and Finland, iS, 39, 119, 131 



Russia and France, 26, 70 

and Germany, 16, 25, 28-33, 

119, 124-131, 219, 220, 223 
and Japan, 223 
and the Jews, 166, 167 
and Montenegro, 13, 14 
and Persia, 119 
and Poland, 18, 39, 119, 131, 

174 
and Rumania, 14 
and Servia, 11, 13, 14, 118 
and the Slavs, 11, 23, 119 
and Turkey, 202 

Russian army, 26, 63, 157, 182 
labor, 175 

Russo-Rumanian war against 
Turkey, the, 189 

Salonika, 118, 204, 222 

San Giuliano, the Marquis di, 190 

San Stefano, treaty of, 25, 223 

Sandhurst, 104 

Sandwich, 142 

"Saturday Review," the London, 
154, 197 

Scheldt, the, 98 

Schleswig, 117, 132, 224 

Scott, Sir Percy, 139 

Serbs and Servians, 3 

Servia and Austria, i-ii, 21, 119, 
131, 213, 219 
and Bulgaria, 13 
and England, 10 
and Russia, 13, 14, 118 

Servian army, the, 23, 28 

" Simplicissimus ", 171 

Slav vs. Teuton, 23, 24 

Slavs, 14, 91, 119, 193 

Slovenes, the, 193 

Socialists, German, 37, 158 



266 



INDEX 



Sophia of Greece, Queen, 205 

South Africa, 178 

"Spectator," the London, 143, 

153, 162, 194 
Spies, 51 
Stoke Poges, 142 
Submarines, 139 
"Sun," the New York, 164 
Swagger, 170 
Switzerland, 228 

"Tageblatt," the Berlin, 183 

"Telegraph," the London, 10, 154 

Terschelling, 99 

Teuton vs. Slav, 23, 24, 126 

Texel, 99 

Thielt, 210 

Thiers, 82 

Tibet, 82 

"Times," the London, 153, 154, 
155, 160, 162, 185, 186, 197, 
198 

Tonale Pass, 192 

Toul, 80 

Treaty of Berlin (1878), 25 
of London (1831), 84, 122, 228 
of London (1839), 84, 122, 228 
of London (1867), 83, 84, 85 
of London (1870) 84, 85 
of San Stefano (1877), 25, 

223 
of Vienna (1815), 228 
of Westphalia (1648), 98, 223, 
228 

Treitschke, 150 

Trent, 192 

Trentino, the, 192 

Triest, 192, 193 

Triple alliance, the, 65, 117, 190, 
191, 194, 199 



Triple entente, the, 65, 66, 199, 

205 
Tripoli, 206 

"Truth," the London, 109, 153 
Tsar, see Nicholas II 
Tschirsky, Herr von, 17 
Tunis, 204 
Turkey, 13 

and Austria, 202 

and the Balkans, 203 

and Bulgaria, 14, 205 

and Germany, 203, 204, 224 

and Greece, 205 

and Italy, 206 

and Rumania, 188, 189, 205 

and Russia, 202 

Utrecht, 99, 100 

Valtierra, General, 74 
van Dyke, Henry, 94 
"Vaterland," 41, 47 

foreign loyalty to, 59 
Venetia, 117, 118, 222 
Venizelos, Premier, 13 
Verdun, 80 
Verona, 192 

Victor Emmanuel II of Italy, 197 
Victor Emmanuel III of Italy, 

200 
Vienna, congress of, 82 
Vlissingen, 98 
"Vorwarts," the Berlin, 172, 182, 

184 
"Vossische Zeitung," the Berlin, 

178, 179, 184 

Waal, the, 99 
Washburne, Elihu, 74 
"Weekblad voor Nederland," 
the Amsterdam, 96, 97 



INDEX 



267 



"Westminster Gazette," the 

London, 152, 163, 200 
Westphalia, treaty of, 98, 223, 

228 
White, Henry, 67 
William I of Germany, 21, 22 
WiHiam II of Germany, 17, 18, 

21, 22, 27, 28-33,67, 70, 119, 

203, 212, 223 
William the Silent of Holland, loi 



Wilson, President, 212 
Wood, Sir Evelyn, 145, 160 

Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion, 107 

Zabern, 19, 20, 41, 171 
Zeppelins, 140 
Zuiderzee, the, 99 
"Zukunft," the, 172 



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